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OR, 

A FULL-LENGTH PORTRAIT 

OF 

DOCTOR MARTIN LUTHER: 



A COMPREHENSIVE, THOUGH CONDENSED AND CORRECT HISTORY 

OE THE IIEE AND STUPENDOUS ACHIEVEMENTS 

OE THE GREAT REFORMER. 



By Rev. B. WE I SEE, 

PASTOR OF THE EVANGELICAL LUTHERAN CHURCH, ANDESVILLE, PERRY COUNTY, PENNA. 



1 Behold, what fire is in his eye, what fervor on his cheek ! 
That glorious burst of winged words, how bound they from his tongue, 
The full expression of the mighty thought, the strong triumphant argument, 
The rush of native eloquence, resistless as Niagara ! 
The fine poetic image, the clinching fact, the metaphor bold and free, 
The grasp of concentrated intellect wielding the omnipotence of truth, 
Champion of right, patriot or priest, and pleader of the innocent, 
Whose heart and tongue have been touched, as of old. by the live coal from 
the altar above."— Tupper's Proverbial Philosophy. 

'Fulgura erant Unguse cuncta Luthere tua3."— Zlelancihon. 



SIXTH THOUSANDTH EDITIOX. 
REVISED AND CORRECTED. 



BALTIMORE: 

PUBLISHED AND SOLD BY 

T. NEWTON KURTZ, BOOKSELLER & STATIONER, 

No. 151 WEST PRATT STREET. 

1853, 






Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1848, by 
R. Weiser, in the Clerk's Office of the District of Maryland. 



STEREOTYPED BY WM. H. HOPE. 






PREFACE 



In presenting the Life of Luther to the American public, it 
would seem to be proper to give a few reasons for such an un- 
dertaking at this time. It may be asked and no doubt will be, 
have we not Lives of Luther in abundance? Why then add 
another to the list? It is true we have D'Aubigne, and Milner, 
and Scott, and Bowers, and Tischer, and a number of inferior 
works ; but it is a remarkable fact, that we have not in the Eng- 
lish language a single life of Luther, that pretends to give any 
thing like a correct and extensive account of the great Reform- 
er, written by a Lutheran. And yet we humbly conceive that 
the great Reformer ought to be fairly represented in English by 
a member of the church that bears his illustrious name. There 
are thousands and tens of thousands of as warm-hearted and 
whole-souled Lutherans in this country as ever lived, who are 
not able to read the rich and copious language of their fathers ; 
and ought they not to be supplied with a correct and impartial 
life of the illustrious Reformer? Far be it from us to accuse 
those good and learned men of other churches who have writ- 
ten the life of Luther, of doing him injustice, or intentionally 
misrepresenting him, but in most of such works we often see a 
parsimony of praise, which actually amounts to unintentional 
misrepresentation. This we have endeavored to correct in the 
following pages, and how well we may have succeeded, the in- 
telligent reader will be able to judge after a careful perusal. 

In the following pages we have endeavored to be minute with- 



IV. PREFACE. 

out being prolix, brief without being abrupt, and we have aimed 
at a laconic perspicuity. 

The writing of biographies is not unlike pouring water from 
one vessel into another, especially is this the case with Luther's 
life. We lay no claims to originality in the facts stated ; they 
have all been stated again and again, long before the author of 
this or any other life of Luther, now living was born. And in 
this respect the living writers of Luther's life are all on equal 
footing. It would require a large volume to record even the 
names and titles of Luther's biographers. We have therefore 
been at no loss for materials, the only difficulty has been to guard 
against saying too much. We have used chiefly the following 
works, viz: 

1. " Alle Bucher und Schriften des Theuren Seligen Mannes 
Gottes Dr. M. Luther," published at Jena and Wittenberg, 
1561 — 2 — 3 and 4. This, according to the testimony of all com- 
petent judges, is the best edition of Luther's works.. This splen- 
did work which is very rare in this country, contains with the 
exception of a few letters given by Dr. De Wette, all Luther's 
works in chronological order. This is the fountain head, Walch, 
Plochman, Ammon, Lomler, Vent, Von Garlach, Meurer, 
Stang, Tischer, Mathesius, D'Aubigre, and indeed all the edi- 
tors and compilers of Luther's works — have been obliged to 
draw from this rich and exhaustless source. This work is the 
basis of ours so far as Luther's letters, sermons, &c, are con- 
cerned. While accessible to the fountain, we thought it unne- 
cessary to go to any of the streams that flow from it. 

2. " Luther und dessen Reformation," published at Magde- 
burg, 1834. This is a kind of eclective work which contains a 
vast amount of matter, and is very much condensed, for many 
incidents in the life of Luther we are indebted to this excellent 
volume, 



PREFACE. V 

3. " Dr. Stang's Life of Luther." This is a valuable work. 

4. "D'Aubigne's History of tlie Great Reformation." This 
also is an excellent compilation of facts interspersed with inter- 
esting and lively remarks, which some admire and others do not. 
Dr. D'Aubigne's work has been much more popular in this 
country than in Europe, while in the former upwards of 200,000 
copies have been circulated, in the latter only about 4,000 have 
found their way among the people! This is a remarkable fact, 
and can only be accounted for upon the supposition that the 
Europeans are better supplied with works on this subject than 
we of America, and of course with better works. Although 
D'Aubigne's work has met with but little favor in France and 
Germany, yet it is a splendid work, and ought to be read even 
more extensively than it has been. We have made some use 
of this valuable publication, and hereby acknowledge ourselves 
indebted to it for many beautiful and striking thoughts. 

5. "Dr. C. E. Stowe's splendid articles on Luther in the Bibli- 
cal Repository." Here we found many interesting and striking 
facts, some of which we have incorporated into our work. Dr. 
Stowe seems to have formed a correct estimate of the great Re- 
former, nor is he backward in giving utterance to his feelings. 

6. "Scott's Life of Luther," fromMilner, who has almost lit- 
erally translated Seckendorf. We have also availed ourselves 
of his labors. We have not generally referred to the book and 
page of the authors we have quoted, simply because most of 
those books are rare in this country. 

We have written fearlessly, with the sole view of promoting 
correct views concerning LutLer. In matters of doctrine we 
have permitted Luther to speak for himself. We do not vouch 
for, nor are we responsible for his views — we agree with him, 
only so far as we consider his views taught in the Bible. This 
is the first Life of Luther ever attempted by a Lutheran in the 



VI. PREFACE. 

English language, and is therefore fully entitled to an impartial 
reading in the Lutheran Church. Much more might have been 
written, there is an ocean of learning in Luther's works, we 
have only dipt the soles of our feet into this boundless sea, let 
those who have time and inclination wade in deeper. 

R. WEISER. 
December 10th, 1847. 



CONTENTS 



INTRODU CTION 



State of the Church before the Reformation — Reasons why the 
Romish Church seems to be darker just before the Reforma- 
tion — Roderic Borgio — Pope Alexander VI. — Fifty prostitutes 
in the Papal palace — A poisoning scrape — Dr. Southey's ex- 
clamation — Learning among the Clergy — Luther's opinion — 
Myconius gives a horrid Picture — One hundred Grievances 
— Testimony of Erasmus — Household of a Priest — Pa- 
pal Harems — Prohibitions against the Vices of Priests — 
Priests' Tax for licentiousness — Number of Ecclesiastics in 
Gotha — Prof. Tischer's testimony — Contrast between Pagan- 
ism and Romanism — The Pope's Curse — Luther's service — 
Incest of Pope Alexander VI. — Murder in the Papal cham- 
ber — Mezerai Alsege's testimony — Leo X. — Moral character 
of Monks and Nuns — Cloisters, sinks of Sin — Spain — South 
America — Mexico — Popery the same always — Priest Hogan's 
testimony — Rev. John McCron's testimony — Complaint of J. 
Schiphower — Luther's Letter on the subject — Prof. Schmuck- 
er's testimony, - - - - - - - -17 

CHAPTER II. 

The great purposes of Jehovah, how carried out — Luther's 
fame — Prof. Stowe's opinion — Luther's grandfather — Fath- 
er — Mother — Parental influence— Wesley — Byron — Luth- 
er's parents lived at Eisleben — Occupation of John Luther— 



VIII CONTENTS. 

Luther's letter to his Father — Letter to his Mother — Birth of 
Luther — Baptism — His parents move to Mansfield — Poverty 
at Mansfield — Remarkable half-prophetic prayer of John Lu- 
ther — Martin goes to School — Is carried thither — Severe treat- 
ment — Disposition of Martin — Eye — Hair — Complexion — 
Size of Luther — Grasp of mind — Application — His Religious 
training, ---------38 

CHAPTER III. 

Luther goes to Magdeburg — Hard times — Begs his Bread — 
Goes to Eisenach — Dr. B. Kurtz's testimony — Taken into the 
pious Cotta family — Luther's musical talents — Luther learned 
the Turning trade — Standing as a Student — Luther goes to 
Erfurt — His knowledge of the Classics — Cicero — Plautus — 
Comparison between Cicero and Luther — Studies the School- 
men — Aristotle — Branches he studied — Luther finds the Bi- 
ble — Carlstadt twenty-five years old before he saw a Bible — 
the Reformation hid in the Bible — Luther studying law — 
Luther's love for, and knowledge of the Bible — Luther be- 
comes Bachelor of Arts, ------ 59 

CHAPTER IV. 

Luther the awakened Sinner — The means of his awakening — 
His training at home — Sickness — The pious old Monk— Par- 
tial awakening — Death of his friend Alixis — Overtaken in a 
thunder storm — Becomes Master of Arts — Lectures on Philos- 
ophy — His mental depression returns — Makes a vow to be- 
come a Monk — Goes about to establish his own righteous- 
ness — Longs for holiness of heart — Determines to become a 
Monk — Invites a number of his friends to his room — Makes 
known his firm resolve — Enters the Augustinian Convent — 
His reflections — Excitement in Erfurt — Servile labor he had 



CONTENTS. IX. 

to perform in the Convent — Reads St. Augustine — Reads the 
Schoolmen — Occam — Gerson — Aquinas — Biel — Duns Sco- 
tus — Time not lost in reading the Schoolmen — Bible chained 
at Erfurt — Commences studying Greek and Hebrew — Read 
Nic. Lyra's Commentaries — Deep conviction of Sin — Finds 
some little relief from St. Augustine — Deep study — Labors 
hard to merit Salvation— Effects of mental struggles and agony 
upon his body — Great conflict — Luther refers to his former 
state in after life — Luther explains the 38th and 21st Psalms- 
Seems to point out his former condition — Religion of Rome- 
Luther's agony of mind increases — Becomes insensible— Lu- 
ther brought to by the influence of Music — Becomes ac- 
quainted with Staupitz — Points the awakened young's Monk 
to Christ — Luther receives some hope — Some peace — Luther 
takes sick — His convictions return — Seems to have been de- 
cided as to his Conversion—The pious Monk refers him to 
his Credo— Luther becomes converted — Luther's own account 
of his Conversion — His love for the words, " the just shall 
live by faith," -------- 79 

CHAPTER V . 

Luther, the Preacher. 
The importance of Luther's Religion in the Reformation- 
Rome hunted up her ablest men — Luther the greatest 
enemy Rome ever met — The opponents of Luther — Lu- 
ther's great talents — Staupitz selects him a Professor for 
Wittenberg — Luther goes to Wittenberg — Attacks Aris- 
totle's system — Luther not satisfied with his Professorship — 
Wishes to teach Christian Theology — Is appointed Professor 
of Theology — His popularity — Opinion concerning his Lec- 
tures by Dr. Pollich — His fame spreads — Staupitz urges him 

to become a Preacher — Effects of his preaching — His man- 

1* 



X. CONTENTS. 

ner — Style — Testimony of his enemies as to his great speak- 
ing talents — Equal to Demosthenes and Cicero — Testimony 
of D'Aubigne — Fred, von Schlegel — L. Maimbourg — Au- 
din — Professor Stone — F. Raimund— Keil — Mossellanus — His 
powers in debate unequalled — Luther visits Rome — Incidents 
on the way — Impressions Rome made upon his mind — Climbs 
up Pilate's Stair-way — Justification by faith — Sees the im- 
piety of Rome — Returns to Wittenberg — Becomes Doctor of 
Divinity — Letter to John Lange — Foolish topics of the 
Schoolmen's investigation — Luther a Bible preacher — Feld- 
kirchen — Luther appointed sub-Vicar General by Staupitz — 
Visits the Convents — Luther's great labors — His own ac- 
count — The Plague at Wittenberg — Moral courage of Lu- 
ther — His confidence in God — Preaches before Duke George — 
Laughable scene at Supper — Puts up ninety-five Theses on 
the Freedom of the Will — No one debates with him — Sent 
them to Erfurt— Sent them to Dr. Eck, - - - 101 

CHAPTER VI. 

Luther, the Reformer. 
Luther knew the errors of the Church — But did not think 
they could be removed — Had no idea of ever becoming 
a Reformer — All attempts at Reformation had failed — 
Leo X. — His prodigality — Indulgences— Theory of Indul- 
gences — John Tetzel described — Immoral conduct — Form 
of Indulgence — A true copy of one — Price of Indulgences 
— Tetzel's Speeches — His chest — Money, money, the sole 
object — Tetzel out-Tetzelled by Bartholomew — Luther first 
hears of Tetzel — Tetzel comes to Jiiterboch and Zerbst — 
Some from Wittenberg go to Jiiterboch and buy them — Lu- 
ther refuses absolution on the merits of them — Tetzel en- 
raged — Luther's Sermon on Indulgences — The Elector's curi- 



CONTENTS. XIr 

ous dream — Luther writes letters to the Bishops — Nails nine- 
ty-five Thesis to the Church door — Effects produced by the 
Theses — The favor they met everywhere — Letter to the Pope — 
Erasmus admires them — The Theses — Luther attacked by 
Tetzel — Dr. Eck — Erasmus urged to attack Luther — Hesi- 
tates — Wimpina prepares one hundred and fifty-six Theses in 
the name of Tetzel — Luther's opinion of them — Disputation 
at Frankfort — Knipstrow alarms all the Papists — The contro- 
versy shifted — Luther forced to attack the Pope — The Pope's 
opinion of the squabble — Prierias vs. Luther — The Dominicans 
oppose him — Hochstraten — Luther's sarcastic reply — Luthei 
goes to Heidleburg — Disputation there ends in fun — Bucer — 
Brentz — Snepf — Luther's submissive letter to the Pope — Lu- 
ther changes his opinion of the Pope — The Pope writes to the 
Elector of Saxony — Luther's bold stand — The Sultan threat- 
ens to invade Germany — The Emperor Maximilian opposed 
to Luther — Receives a summons to appear at Rome — Luth- 
er's friends remonstrate — Cardinal Cajetan — Pope's letter to 
Cajetan — Sublime position of Luther — Melancthon — Com- 
parison between Luther and Melancthon — Luther and Caje- 
tau meet — Serra Longa — Luther comes out Victor — The deep 
interest felt for Luther's safety — Luther appeals from a Pope 
ill-informed to one better informed — The first blow struck — 
Luther pays the Cardinal in his own coin — Luther returns to 
Wittenberg — Number of students at Wittenberg — Disappoint- 
ment of Cajatan — Tries to influence the Elector against Lu- 
ther — Cannot succeed — Gloomy prospects of Luther- — Deter- 
mines to leave Germany — The Elector urges him to remain — 
The Pope's Bull — Alarm of the Pope — Miltitz sent to Ger- 
many — The Elector refuses to do any thing against Luther — 
Emperor Maximilian dies — The important position of the 
Elector of Saxony — Flattery of Miltitz — No effect on Lu- 



XII. CONTENTS. 

ther — Miltitz influences Luther to write a letter to the Pope — 
Luther writes a letter — This letter one of the finest he ever 
wrote — Read it with care — Tetzel dies — The great disputation 
at Leipsic — Effects of the disputation — Both parties claim the 
victory — Meanness of Dr. Eck — Staupitz refuses to answer 
Luther's letters — Miltitz meets Luther again — Commentary 
on Galatians — Luther an absolute predestinarian — Changed 
his views — Luther at Worms,, - - - - 123 

CHAPTER VII. 

Luther, the Great Champion of God's Truth. 
Luther sees more and more the errors of Rome — Two thousand 
hearers attend his lectures — Publications — His address to the 
nobility of the German nation — The rapidity with which he 
produced his works — Character of Luther's writings — Fred- 
erick of Saxony refuses the crown of the Caesars — Charles V. 
king of Spain elected — Bull against Luther — Luther writes to 
the Emperor — Luther attacks the Pope — Extenuations for Lu- 
ther's harshness — Luther was not blind to his own faults — No 
man knew better what, and how to write than Luther — Effects 
of his writing — Luther burns the Pope's Bull — His reasons for 
this daring measure — The war now fairly begun — Luther's 
tract in justification of the step he had taken — The Pope ap- 
points Aleander and Carracioli his Nuncios — Ulric von Hutten 
— The sluggish mind of Germany was moving — Hans Sacks 
— L. Cranch — A. Durer — Poetry and painting aid Luther's 
work — Luther the great master spirit of the whole move- 
ment — Luther an enthusiast — But no fanatic — The Emperor 
Charles V. at Aix — The Emperor refuses to burn Luther — 
Frederick of Saxony's influence saves Luther — The hand of 
God seen here — Diet of Worms — The splendor of the Diet — 
Charles wanted Luther there — The Romish party did not 



CONTENTS. XTT1. 

want him there — Another Bull against Luther — Luther anxi- 
ous to go to Worms — His letter to the Elector on the subject — 
The motives of Luther — John Glapio — Pontanus — Aleander's 
ingenious speech — Effects of Aleander's oration — Duke 
George's speech — Shows the state of morals in the Romish 
Church — Neutralized Aleander's speech — The Diet deter- 
mines that Luther must be heard — The Nuncio fears Luther's 
eloquence — Luther is summoned to appear — Luther starts for 
Worms — His journey — His courage — His reception — Ulric 
von Hutton write to Luther — Luther's Prayer — Incidents at 
Worms — His appearance in the Diet — Luther's conduct be- 
fore the Diet — Excitement at Worms — Luther's speech — His 
firmness — Luther returns — His letter to Cranach — Edict 
against Luther — Luther at Eisenach — The Plot — Luther 
taken prisoner — At Wartburg — Luther's change of opinion 
while at Wartburg — His employment while there — Translates 
the New Testament — The merits of Luther's translation — 
Roman Catholic testimony — Luther's writings — His works 
ought to be re-published against Romanism — Influence of the 
Bible on the Reformation — Audin's testimony — Other works 
written at Wartburg — Sale of Indulgences renewed — Luther's 
bold and daring letters to the Elector — To the Archbishop — 
Luther tired of his Patmos — Visits Wittenberg — Joy of his 
friends — Returns to Wartley — Temptation of the Devil — His 
Table-talk — Great changes at Wittenberg — Fanaticism — Carl- 
stadt — Luther vs. Carlstadt — Luther's powerful letter — Fan- 
aticism the curse of the Church — Fanaticism rejects the Bi- 
ble — Country in an uproar — Luther leaves Wartburg — Re- 
turns to Wittenberg — Calms the storms of excitement — Lu- 
ther's greatness — Prostrates the leaders — Drives them from 
Wittenberg — Luther's reply to King Henry VIII. — The Re- 
formation spreading — Luther's publications — Luther outdone 



FTP CONTENTS. 

fcy the fanatics — Death of Leo X. — Luther's danger — The 
one hundred grievances — The Pope's letter to the Elector — 
Duke George's edict — Bull against Luther — His sublime po- 
sition—Luther's letter on war — His prudence — Luther re- 
bukes the Pope — Luther's calmness — Pope Adrian VI. dies — 
Campeggio — Diet of Nuremberg — Proceedings of Diet — Lu- 
ther throws aside the monastic habit — Erasmus again — His 
Diatribe — Luther's reply — His De Servo Arbitrio — Luther 
bound to no Creed — Controversy between Luther and Carl- 
stadt — Luther vs. the fanatics — Luther in favor of common 
schools — Luther reforms the Church at "Wittenberg — The 
Martyrs — The Peasant wars — Luther vs. the heavenly proph- 
ets — Opinions of fanatics — Battle of Mulhausen— End of the 
fanatical war, - - - - - - - 193 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Luther the Father of a Family. 
Catnerme von Bora — Escapes from the nunnery — Protected 
by Luther — Offers her in marriage to others — Marries her 
himself — Reasons for marrying — Great storm of excite- 
ment — Domestic happiness — Luther's playfulness — Deep 
thought — Abstraction — Luther and his wife good house- 
keepers — Domestic affliction — His Salary — Worn out — 
Blind of one eye — Luther's love for his wife — The les- 
son taught the Teacher — Luther's children — ^-Luther at 
home — Death of his infant daughter — Thrilling scene at 
the death-bed of his daughter — Parental love — Loves music — 
Domestic habits — Luther's piety — Roman Catholic slanders — 
Spalding — Protestantism Luther's apology — A man of Pray- 
er — His faith' — His diet — Dress — Luther's defects, - 323 



CONTENTS. XV. 

CHAPTER IX. 

Luther, the Writer and Unconquerable Victor. 
League of Torgau — Diet of Spires — Rome taken by the Emper- 
or — Plague at Wittenberg — The succession in the Lutheran 
Church-Sacramentarian Controversy-Remarkable temptation 
and sickness of Luther — Visitation of the Saxon Churches — 
Rud system of Theology— Foundation of Lutheran Church- 
Luther's Smaller and Larger Catechisms-Occasion of the name. 
Protestant — Protestant Princes united — Luther the ruling 
spirit — Origin of the Torgau Articles — Philip, Landgrave of 
Hesse bring the Doctors together at Marburg — Controversy 
at Marburg — Luther's views on the Lord's Supper — Melanc- 
thon's Apology — Zwingle — Not so great a man as Luther — 
Luther first in the Reformation — The question as to priority 
in the work settled — Augsburg Diet — Luther opposed to 
war — Luther draws up the Torgau Articles — Why so called — 
Schwambach — Journey of the Protestants to Augsburg — 
Luther's celebrated hymn translated — Luther remains at Co- 
burg — Why Luther remained at Coburg — Magnificence of 
the Diet — Melancthon prepares the Confession — Luther's 
approval— Friendship between Luther and Melancthon — Lu- 
ther's faith — Encourages Melancthon — Confession signed — 
Read before the Emperor — Refutation of Confession — Refor- 
mation in great danger — Strong measures of the Diet — Meet- 
ing at Smalcald — Death of John Elector of Saxony — Perse- 
cution in Duke George's dominions — Luther's keen letter to 
Duke George — Anabaptist difficulties — John Bekold king of 
the Fanatics — The Church safe — Negotiation — Vergerius in. 
Germany — Promise of a General Council — Luther laughs at 
the idea of a General Council — Bishop Bugenhagen — Lu- 
ther's opinion of the Reformation in England — Attempt to 



XVI. CONTENTS. 

reconcile the Lutherans and Zwinglians — Partial success- 
Bull for a General Council — Luther's opinion of it — Smal- 
caldic Articles — Luther sick at Smalcald — Luther returns to 
Wittenberg — Convention at Hagenau— Melancthon sick — 
Luther's prayer — Cause of Melancthon's illness — Unbecom- 
ing conduct of Philip of Hesse — Bigamy — Dr. Schmucker's 
account of — Dr. Milner's views — Labors of Luther — Lu- 
ther's opinion of himself — Preferred others to himself — His 
love for the Bible — Luther vs. Agricola — Dr. Chalmer's opin- 
ion of Luther — Luther's health begins to decline — His afflic- 
tions — Influence of Luther — Roman Catholic account of Lu- 
ther's death before it occurred — Luther's note on subject — 
Difficulties in the Lutheran Church — Evils of secret marri- 
ages at Wittenberg — Unbecoming conduct of the students in 
visiting the young ladies of Wittenberg — Unbecoming dress 
of the ladies — Luther unable to stem the torrent — Leaves 
Wittenberg — Letter to his wife — Great excitement occasioned 
by Luther's departure — His return — Finishes his comment 
on Genesis — Luther's property — His will, - - 339 

CHAPTER X. 

Death of Luther. 
Luther goes to Eisleben — Remains a few days with Dr. 
Justus Jonas — Crossing the River — Reception at Eisle- 
ben — Preaches at Eisleben — Habits of Devotion — Dis- 
cusses the question of the recognition of friends in heaven — 
Luther takes sick — Alarm of his friends — Disease he had — 
Wretched state of Medical science at that time — Luther's 
prayer — Firm confidence — Dies — Excitement by his death — 
Funeral — Thrilling scene at Wittenberg — Great men visit the 
tomb of Luther— Gratitude for Luther— Catalogue of Lu- 
ther's writings, ------- 412 



INTRODUCTION 



State of the Church before the Reformation. 

If the out-skirts of a quagmire be deep and filthy, what 
must it be in the interior 1 The age immediately preced- 
ing the glorious Reformation, was, as it were, the out-skirts 
of that long — dark — dark night of ignorance and sin that 
had brooded over the world for near a thousand years. 
The moral darkness of the Papal Church was perhaps no 
greater upon an average, in this age, than it had been for 
many preceding, but it seems to have a deeper moral tur- 
pitude in consequence of the light that was then glimmer- 
ing upon it. More than this — if the courts of some of 
those inhuman popes who reigned from the seventh cen- 
tury down, had had historians, as minute and faithful in 
chronicling their enormities, as were John Burchard and 
Jacob Saunazar, the one the Master of Ceremonies, and 
the other the Royal Poet of Pope Alexander VI, we should 
perhaps, if such an amount of wickedness were possible, 
see more flagrant crimes, and a deeper and more fiendish 
tinge of human depravity, than even the infamous Court 
of Roderic Borgio, that masterpiece of the devil presents. 
Alexander VI, is called the Papal Nero. — Why even that 
monster of sin, was a decent and modest man in some 
things, when compared with his unholiness the Pope. 



.X^IIIo IMMORAL POPES* 

Alexander VI. was perhaps as wicked and unprincipled a 
Pope as ever filled St. Peter's chair. Dean Waddington 
says, "the ecclesiastical records of fifteen centuries contain 
no name so loathsome, no crimes so foul as his ; and while 
the voice of every impartial writer is loud in his execration, 
he is in one respect, singularly consigned to infamy, since 
not one of the zealous annalists of the Romish Church has 
breathed a whisper in his praise !" In early life, during the 
pontificate of Pius II, Roderic Borgio, already a Cardinal, 
had been stigmatized by a public censure for his unmuffled 
debaucheries. Afterwards he publicly cohabited with a 
Roman matron named Vanozia, by whom he had five ac- 
knowledged children. Neither in his manners, nor in his 
language, did he affect any regard for morality or decency ; 
and one of the earliest acts of his pontificate was, to cele- 
brate, with scandalous magnificence in his own palace, the 
marriage of his daughter Lucretia ! On one occasion, this 
prodigy of vice, gave a splendid entertainment within the 
walls of the Vatican, to no less than fifty public prostitutes 
at once, and that in the presence of his own daughter, at 
which entertainment deeds of darkness were done, over 
which decency must throw a veil ; and yet this monster of 
vice was, according to papists, the legitimate successor of 
the Apostles, and the vicar of God upon earth, and was 
addressed by the title of "His Holiness." Again I ask, is 
not that apostate church — of which for eleven years this 
Pope was the crowned and anointed head, and a necessary 
link in the chain of pretended Apostolic succession— is she 
not fitly described by the pen of inspiration "Mother of 
harlots, and abominations of the earth" — Rev. xvii. 5. 



ROBERT SOUTHEY. XIX. 

Caesar Borgio, a licentious Cardinal of this holy church, 
was the acknowledged son of this infamous Pope. Alex- 
ander VI. and his son Caesar, in order to get the money of 
a rich Cardinal, Corneto by name, had poison put into a 
bottle of wine, which the unsuspecting Cardinal was to 
irink at an entertainment, but by mistake, Alexander and 
Caesar drank it, the former was killed and the latter had a 
narrow escape. We mention the case of Alexander VI., 
because he was one of the most prominent men at Rome 
at the very time Luther was born, (1483.) In view of such 
a state of morals as then existed in the Court of Rome, 
and indeed as will appear soon, throughout the whole 
Church, well might Dr. R. Southey, the Poet Laureate of 
England exclaim, "Blessed be the day of Martin Luther's 
birth — it should be a festival only second to that of the 
nativity of Jesus Christ." 

In order to see the full force of this remark, we must 
take a view of the state of morals and learning among the 
clergy, and the common people of that age. 

By a long series of usurpations the Pope and higher 
clergy had wrested every particle of civil and religious lib- 
erty from the people. The common people, and even 
their rulers with them, were parcelled out by the Pope to 
the Bishops, as if they had been so many cattle, the bishop 
or his friends paid so many dollars, for such an amount 
of territory containing so many souls, and then his chief 
business was to wring so much money out of them, as was 
needed to pay perhaps for keeping so many concubines, 
and so many children, and so many horses and dogs. 



XX. POPERY OPPRESSIVE. 

The people of Germany, Luther says in his celebrated 
"Address to the Nobility of the German Nation," had to 
pay annually to the Pope 300,000 gold florins, no wonder 
says he that our nation is poor, the only wonder is that 
we are not in a state of starvation ! And what, says he, 
do we pay this money for, or what do we get in return, 
but shame and derision ! To form some idea of the great- 
ness of this sum at that time, Luther says, Rome receives 
more money from us, than the government formerly re- 
ceived ! And be it remembered this was not the money 
the poor Germans paid by way of support for Religion at 
home, but it was a kind of religious bonus they paid 
the Pope, for the privilege of belonging to holy Mother 
Church ! Yes, for the glorious privilege of having their 
minds stupified, their morals degraded- — the morals of their 
wives and daughters corrupted by a set of vicious and li- 
centious confessors, and their heads cut off if they object- 
ed to the holiness and infallibility of the Church, and her 
wicked priests ! One of the most lively pictures — a real 
daguerreotype of the state of the Church in the beginning 
of the sixteenth century, is given by Frederick Myconius, 
who was a contemporary with Luther, and a close observ- 
er of what transpired around him. " The passion (i. e. 
the sufferings and death) of Christ, and the atonement, 
were treated merely as a story, like the Odyssey of Ho- 
mer. Concerning faith, by which the righteousness of the 
Redeemer, and eternal life are apprehended, there was the 
deepest silence. Christ was described as a severe judge, 
ready to condemn all who were destitute of the intercea 



TESTIMONY OF MYCONIUS. XXI. 

sion of saints, and of pontifical interest. In the room of 
Christ were substituted, as Saviors and Intercessors, the 
Virgin Mary, like a pagan Diana, and other saints, who 
from time to time had been created by the popes. Nor 
were men, it seems, entitled to the benefit of their prayers, 
except they deserved it of them by their works. What 
sort of works were necessary for this end, was distinctly 
explained ; not the works prescribed in the decalogue, and 
enjoined on all mankind, but such as enriched the priests 
and monks. Those who died neglecting these, were con- 
signed to hell, or at least to purgatory till they were re- 
deemed from it by a satisfaction made either by themselves 
or their proxies. The frequent rehearsing of the Lord's 
prayer, and the salutation of the Virgin, and the recitation 
of the forms called the canonical hours, constantly engaged 
the attention of those who undertook to be religious. An 
incredible mass of ceremonial observances was everywhere 
visible ; while gross wickedness was practised under the 
encouragement of indulgences by which the guilt of the 
crimes committed was easily expiated. The preaching 
of the word was the least part of the episcopal function ; 
rites and processions employed the bishops perpetually 
when engaged in religious exercises. The number of the 
clergy was enormous, and their lives were most scanda- 
lous!" This is not an isolated fact stated by a single 
historian, and he a friend of evangelical piety, but it is sup- 
ported by the concurrent testimony of all respectable wri- 
ters both protestant and papal, as well as by the acts of 
national diets in which Roman Catholic princes had the 
preponderating influence. 



XXII. ERASMUS AND DUKE GEORGE S TESTIMONY. 

Look at the hundred grievances presented to the Pope's 
Nuncio at the Diet of Nuremburg,— -and look too at the 
speech of Duke George at Worms, where he admits the 
corruption of the priests. Look too at the testimony of 
Erasmus, whom the Romanists never rank with the Prot- 
estants, only when he points out the licentiousness of the 
priests and monks, then he is a heretic ! We will here 
give a dismal picture drawn by the spirited pen of Dr. 
D'Aubigne : " The annals of the age swarm with scandals. 
In many places the people were well pleased that the 
priest should have a woman in keeping, that their wives 
might be safe from his seductions. What scenes of hu- 
miliation were witnessed in the house of the pastor ! The 
wretched man supported the mother and her children, with 
the tithe and the offering ; his conscience was troubled, he 
blushed in the presence of his people, and his servants, 
and before God. The mother, fearing to come to want 
when the priest should die, provided against it beforehand, 
and robbed the house. Her character was gone, her chil- 
dren were a living accusation of her crimes. The chil- 
dren treated on all sides with contempt, they plunged into 
brawls and debaucheries. Such was the family of the 
priest ! Those horrid scenes were a kind of instruction, 
that the people were ready enough to follow. 

" The rural districts were the scenes of numerous ex- 
cesses. The abodes of the clergy were frequently the re- 
sorts of the dissolute. Cornelius Adrain at Bruges, and the 
Abbot, Trinkler at Cappel, imitated the customs of the East 
and had their harems ! Priests, consorted with abandoned 



IMMORALITY OF THE PRIESTS. XXIII. 

characters — frequented the taverns — played dice, and fin- 
ished their orgies by quarrels and blasphemy ! The Coun- 
cil of Schaffhausen prohibited the clergy from dancing in 
public, except at weddings ; from carrying two kinds of 
weapons ; and decreed that a priest who should be found 
in a house of ill fame, should be stripped of his ecclesias- 
tical habits ! In the archbishoprick of Mentz they (the 
priests) scaled the walls in the night, committed disturban- 
ces and disorders of all kinds in the inns and taverns, and 
broke open doors and locks ! In several places the priest 
paid to the bishop a regular tax for the woman with whom 
he lived, and for every child he had by her ! A German 
bishop who was present at a grand entertainment, publicly 
declared, that in one year eleven thousand priests had pre- 
sented themselves to him for that purpose ! It is Erasmus 
who records this." 

This is indeed a horrid picture ! Paganism itself may 
be challenged for a counterpart ! It is humiliating to our 
race to have to record such startling facts, and if the Ro- 
manists were not now, as they always have been, boasting 
of the moral purity of their priesthood, and extolling their 
celibacy, we would gladly throw the veil of oblivion ovei 
their former crimes. 

As a confirmation of D'Aubigne, we subjoin another re- 
mark from Myconius, who was superintendent of Gotha 
from 1524 to 1541, we translate from Dr. Stang: " The 
number of the clergy was so great, (in the popish church 
before the Reformation,) that in the town of Gotha which 
does not contain more than seven hundred houses, (and 



XXIV. PROF. TISCHER S TESTIMONY. 

perhaps 3500 inhabitants,) there were no less than 14 
canons, 40 priests, 30 Augustinian monks, 2 therminites, 
and 30 nuns, which this town had to support ! (making 
116.) These were looked upon as holy persons, who 
could earn heaven for us, and yet they led such scandalous 
and lewd lives, that a parallel can scarcely be found in the 
world. The marriage state was denied to them, and as 
they were destitute of all moral purity, they made up in 
adultery and sodomy for it — they carried on their de- 
baucheries in a dreadful manner, and yet they could not 
be reached by the arm of the civil power, because they as 
ecclesiastics were under the exclusive jurisdiction of the 
Pope !" Prof. Tischer, one of the most eloquent of Lu- 
ther's Biographers, says : " At the period of the Reforma- 
tion, the corruption of the clergy, and the shameful abuses 
by which they had debased the holy and beneficent reli- 
gion of Jesus, had been carried to the utmost extreme. 
The seductive artifices and schemes of the court of Rome 
for the purpose of establishing her supremacy, that she 
might domineer over the high and the low, over kings and 
subjects ; that she might bestow countries and nations by 
arbitrary will — carry all the silver and the gold to Rome ; 
and exercise absolute authority over the consciences of men 
and (as she attempted to do,) even over heaven ! These 
were matters too palpable and outrageous not to excite at- 
tention, or to be any longer endured. The terrible and 
corrupting principle, that the people ought to be kept in a 
state of blindness, was every where reduced to practice. 
The holiness and infallibility of the Pope were preached up 



AWFUL STATE OF RELIGION. XXV. 

as indispensable articles of a creed, in order to avoid the 
loss of eternal happiness. The divinity that was proclaim- 
ed was not a comforter, nor a deliverer, but an image 
erected for the purpose of inspiring terror ; an idol that 
could not be appeased by any other means, than by gifts 
and offerings, and the punctual observance of insipid cus- 
toms and lifeless ceremonies The happiness of heaven 
depended on faith in the pope, and the Papal Church ! 
From the Vatican of Rome issued the terrific flashes of 
lightning which accompanied the excommunications and 
anathemas that were fulminated against those who vindi- 
cated the freedom of religious opinions, the most sacred 
right of man ! The power of darkness, superstition and 
ignorance governed with absolute sway. The true doc- 
trines of Christ were but little understood, and still less 
practised. Almost every clergyman was the priest of su- 
perstition, the servant of sensuality, and the devotee of the 
chase, and of drunkenness. Among a thousand of them, 
there was scarcely one who knew the truth, or loved it. 
And even that one, if perchance he did exist, was too timid 
and feeble — too soon pronounced a heretic — too soon ex- 
iled or murdered, to have it in his power to oppose the 
current of corruption, and communicate to others his bet- 
ter knowledge of the truth. 

A certain outward pomp, the adoration of pictures, 
marching in solemn processions, the worship of conse- 
crated objects, the reading and hearing of mass ; half Latin 
sermons, rosaries, and a number of other follies, — meri- 
torious deeds, as they were called, a blind slavish attach^ 
% 



XXVI. PRESENT STATE OE ROMAN CATHOLIC COUNTRIES. 

merit to everything that the Romish church believed ; — -the 
insipid recital of forms of faith ; all these were called the 
worship of God ! Cloisters, in which idle monks and 
nuns gluttonously fed themselves, being a great burden to 
the industrious part of the community where they wasted 
their lives in dreams, and carried on works of darkness, 
were considered holy edifices. The liberty of investigat- 
ing religious truths, was wholly unknown. The sources 
of truth were denied to the people, and the avenues lead- 
ing to her sacred altars, were barred. Blind laymen fol- 
lowed their blind clerical leaders, and the light of truth 
could not be endured by either." And is not this true to 
the very letter, even now in papal countries — in countries 
unblest by the glorious revival, and sin-dissipating 
light of the Reformation ? Look at Italy with her bland 
and lovely sky—her bright stars and her fertile soil — once 
under the iron auspices of Paganism the mistress of the 
world, now a nation of monks and nuns and beggars ! 
Poor Italy ! the malaria of the Pontine marshes has not 
been half as injurious to thee as the moral miasmata that 
arise from the putrined seat of the Pope ! Italy with her 
Pope has for ages been engaged in damning, cursing and 
anathematizing other nations, that were holier and happier 
than themselves, and those bitter curses and awful impre- 
cations that have been and still are launched forth against 
others, have rebounded and fallen like the fearful bolts of 
heaven upon themselves ! 

Here is a part of that awful, but to us innocent curse 
Which his Holiness, (save the mark,) pronounces against 



CURSE OF THE POPE. XXVII. 

us once a year on Thursday before Good Friday, this is 
called the "Bull at the Supper of the Lord:" "In the 
name of God Almighty, Father, Son and Holy Ghost, and 
by the authority of the blessed apostles, Peter and Paul, 
and by our own, we excommunicate and anathematize all 
Hussites, Wickliffites, Lutherans, Zwinglians, Calvinists, 
Huguenots, Anabaptists, Trinitarians, and other apostates 
from the faith, and all other heretics by whatsoever name 
they are called, or of whatsoever sect they may be." 
Then follows the curse on this wise : " Excommunicated 
and accursed may they be, and given body and soul to the 
devil. Cursed be they in cities, in towns, in fields, in 
ways, lying or rising, standing or walking, running or sit- 
ting, sleeping or eating. We separate them from the thresh- 
hold and from all prayers of the church, from the holy 
mass, from all sacraments, chapels and altars, from holy 
bread and holy water, from all the merits of God's priests 
and religious men, from all their pardons and privileges, 
grants and immunities, which all the holy fathers, the 
popes of Rome, have granted, and we give them utterly 
over to the power of the fiend ! And let us quench their 
soul, if they be dead this night in the pains .of hell fire, as 
this candle is now quenched and put out, and let us pray 
to God and to our Lady, and to St. Peter, and St. Paul, 
and Holy Saints, that all the senses of their bodies may 
fail them, and that they may have no feeling, as now the 
light of this candle is gone, except they come openly now 
and confess their blasphemy, and by repentance, as in 
them shall lie, make satisfaction unto God, our Lady, St. 



XXVIII. CURSE OF THE POPE. 

Peter, and the worshipful company of this Cathedral 
Church." This is only a tithe of the curse. The whole 
ridiculous and impious farce is called " cursing by bell, 
book and candle." If I were a Roman Catholic, this one 
foolish, and unscriptural, and inhuman, yea, devilish prac- 
tice, I think would be sufficient to convince me that the 
Church of Rome cannot be the Church of Him who pray- 
ed for his enemies ! But curse away, thou mother of 
harlots ; if God blesses, your anathemas amount to noth- 
ing ! And let the reader bear in mind, that we are indebt- 
ed to the labors of Martin Luther, under God, for our 
happy state — -for our freedom from the molestations to 
which these curses subjected those who lived before his 
time. He bravely stood up and received the full shock 
of these thundering anathemas, and holding up the Word 
of God as a shield, he shattered their force, and now they 
fall harmless at our feet ! The whole Protestant world 
has great reason to thank God that ever Luther was born ! 

But we have rather anticipated ; let us return to the 
corruptions of the Church before the Reformation. It is 
an unpleasant topic, but fidelity compels us to dwell upon 
it. We have already had a glimpse of the Papal Court 
of Alexander VI., let us now remove the misty veil a lit- 
tle further. 

Alexander VI., it is said, lived in the habitual commis- 
sion of incest with his own daughter ! It is said that most 
of the ecclesiastics had their mistresses, and all the con- 
vents in Rome were houses of ill-fame. And happy did 
that husband or father feel who could have his family un- 



CJESAR BORGIO, THE SON OF A POPE. XXIX 

der the protection of a cardinal or a bishop, even at 
the expense of prostituting his own wife or daughter ! 
The cardinals frequently boasted of the number and 
beauty of their children. Alexander boasted of the strength 
and beauty of his profligate son, Caesar Borgio, and con- 
ferred upon him the Duchy of Benevento ! This man 
Caesar was, if anything, even worse than his father, and 
yet he was made Archbishop of Valencia, and Bishop of 
Pompeluna ! As an illustration of the state of the Papal 
Court, look at the following scene, as quoted from Rancke's 
Lives of the Popes, by D'Aubigne. "Alexander VI., the 
Pope, had a favorite named Peroto, whose preferment of- 
fended the young Duke, (i. e. Caesar, the Pope's son,) 
Caesar rushed upon him, Peroto sought refuge under the 
Papal mantle, clasping the Pontiff in his arms ; Csesar 
stabbed him, and the blood of the victim spirted in the 
Pontiff ' s face J" This happened in the Pope's chamber. 
This then was the state of morals in the Court of Rome 
before the Reformation. And let it be borne in mind, 
the pride and boast of this Church is " idem semper ubi- 
que," always, and everywhere the same ! But were not 
the other popes better men ? Those who lived about this 
time were all bad men ; true there were few of them who 
committed their enormities in so unblushing and public a 
manner. Pius III., who succeeded Alexander VI., only 
acted pope twenty-six days — he had not time to show the 
world what he was. The poor old man had merely been 
elected to make room for his successor. Julius the II., who 
next occupied St. Peter's chair, was a cruel, blood-thirsty 



XXX. LICENTIOUSNESS OF MONKS AND NUNS. 

tyrant — he was a kind of Papal Napoleon, who only wanted 
the genius and courage of the mighty Corsican, to make him 
what Macedonia's madman was, the conqueror of the 
world. He reigned ten years, and nearly all that time 
was spent in the field of battle amid scenes of carnage 
and blood! No less than 200,000 soldiers are said tc 
have perished in the wars of this human monster! A 
contemporary French historian, says: "He acted more 
like a Sultan of the Turks, than as the Vicar of the 
Prince of Peace, and the common Father of all Chris- 
tians." This military Pontiff died On the 20th of Feb- 
ruary, 1513, and was succeeded by Leo X. Of this 
rather more respectable Pontiff, we have spoken in the 
body of this work. His name is inseparably connected 
with the Reformation. He was the patron of the Arts 
and Sciences, but it is not likely that a man who believed 
that his soul would perish with his body, would pay much 
serious attention to religion. Clement VII. succeeded 
Leo X. He is called the old fox — he was a man of no 
moral principle. The two succeeding Popes, Paul III., 
and Julius III., were as unholy and immoral men as ever 
filled the Papal seat. These, O Romanism ! be thy Gods, 
the men whom thy unholy and unchristian religion com- 
pels thee to worship ! 

Now if the heads of the Papal Church were so corrupt- 
ed, so vile, what are we to expect from the inferior clergy 
and the laity? We will here introduce another quotation 
from Prof. Tischer: "But they (the Romish monks) 
were not merely burdens to the community, and traitors to 



POPERY IN WEST INDIES. XXXI. 

their country, but they were also addicted to the grossest 
vices and sensuality, and were corrupters of the public 
morals. In passing through a country, (on their begging 
excursions,) they cooled the libidinous ardor which in the 
lap of luxury they had cherished during half the y ear, and 
debauched married women and virgins. They accom- 
plished their vicious designs under the cloak of Religion, 
and by making promises of absolution, even innocence for- 
tified by the strongest sentiments of conjugal fidelity and 
of honor, fell a prey to those wandering, pious debauchees ! 
In the very cloisters so much discord prevailed, and such 
outrageous indecencies were carried on by the monks and 
nuns, that it is impossible to relate them without blushing. 
Their lewd and vicious practices were so notorious, and 
so universally known, that they were no longer novelties, 
and had ceased to be topics of conversation ! The clois- 
ters often contended with the public brothels for the prize 
of superiority in acts of lewdness!" Horrid, horrid! 
Can this be true ? True ! yes, the half is not told. The 
Romish Church is "idem semper ubique," always and 
everywhere the same. Look at South America — the West 
Indies — Mexico — Spain — and you will find the truth of her 
boasted declaration, " always the same." And as it is in 
these poor priest-ridden countries, so it would be with us, 
but for the influence of Protestantism. The influence of 
Luther's writings has never penetrated into the dense 
gloom that still envelops those half pagan, half papal coun- 
tries. As a confirmation of the above remark, let the 
reader examine ex-priest Hogan's visit to Mexico and Sa- 



XXXII. MEXICO, SOUTH AMERICA. 

vannah. And the state of morals among the priests in 
South America, we have from our personal and esteemed 
friend, Rev. J. McCron, of New Jersey, who spent several 
years in the city of Lima. 

" The lewdness of the priests must indeed have been 
great, when it was found necessary in order to deter them 
from making lascivious suggestions to females, even in the 
confessional, to threaten them with the punishment of a 
physical disability to pursue their unchaste practices.'' 
A certain monk named John Schiphower, makes the fol- 
lowing bitter complaint concerning the ignorance and im- 
morality of the monks of his time : "They are hardly 
able to sing the requiem, and yet, like horned cattle, they 
rear themselves up and undertake to oppose learned men, 
and continuing in their asses' behavior, still think them- 
selves to be men of consequence. Let the bishops an- 
swer for it, who entrust to such persons, the feeding of the 
flock of Christ. The manner in which they live is equally 
objectionable. They much better understand how to draw 
liquor from goblets, than information from books. With 
drinking and carousing they sit in taverns ; carry on gaming 
and illicit amours, and daily getting drunk. And these are 
priests, they are indeed so called ; but they are asses !" 

Yes, these are the holy priests of that unchangeable 
church which is " semper idem/' always the same ! 
The effects of such outrageous conduct had the same ten- 
dency then as now ; the priests were held in the utmost 
contempt— just as they are in France, and other enlighten- 
ed countries. 



LUTHER S TESTIMONY. XXXIII. 

Luther touches this subject, i. e. the deserved contempt 
in which the vicious priests were held by the people, with 
a master hand, in a letter to the Archbishop of Mentz. 
As one means of averting the awful calamities that seem- 
ed to threaten the Archbishops, he urges him to enter into 
the marriage state, and give up his worldly jurisdiction, 
for he was also a secular prince. The peasant revolution 
was at this time threatening to overturn everything. " Get 
married," says Luther, "and thus you can avert the 
threatened danger, you can thus escape the wrath of God, 
you can take the cause of the threatened insurrection from 
the devil, for it is now evident that the spiritual state is 
openly opposed to God and his glory, and it is not to be 
expected that God will cease to pour out his wrath and 
his punishment, as long as such shameful and horrid con- 
duct is not separated from his holy name. 

" Great God ! if you bishops and princes had but 
looked after these things in time, if you had opened a way 
for the Gospel, and commenced suppressing the outward 
abominations, how nicely and quietly might it not have been 
accomplished by the proper authorities, but as you would 
neither hear nor see, and thought to sustain yourself with 
these foolish abominations, God has permitted it to come 
to pass, so that these follies must go down, thus God shows 
you that his word is more powerful than every thing else, 
and that his word must spread, though the world were a 
thousand times more formidable. In the second place, 
the common people are so far informed, that they well 
know that the ecclesiastical state is of no account, as is 



XXXIV* DR. SCHMUCKER S TESTIMONY. 

very evident from the many songs, proverbs, and satires 
of priests and monks, which are written upon every wall, 
every ticket, and even found upon the playing cards ! So 
that the very sight of an ecclesiastic is nauseous ! Why 
then should you contend against the stream, and hold on 
to that, which you must at last abandon ? The ecclesias- 
tical state cannot stand, God himself has laid his hands 
upon it, and down it must go." The reader will bear in 
mind that by the expression "ecclesiastical state," (geist- 
licher Stand,) Luther means the state of exemption from 
the jurisdiction of civil law, and consequently from all 
legal investigation, into which the taking of a vow, or ta- 
king holy orders at once raised the priests, monks and 
nuns. This was as we have already seen, one prolific 
source of the moral evils under which the Church groaned. 
The Church then needed just such a man as Luther, a 
bold, fearless, and independent follower of Jesus Christ, 
who dared to speak the truth in defiance of all opposition. 
Volumes might be filled with the corruptions of the Church 
before the Reformation. 

But we must give the reader a little more information 
on this subject before we dismiss it. Prof. S. S. Schmuck- 
er, D. D., my esteemed friend and preceptor, than whom 
perhaps few men in this country, better understand the 
corruptions of the Romish priesthood, says in his " Dis- 
course on the Reformation." At an early day, after the 
introduction of celibacy, it became customary for the 
priests to keep single females in their houses as professed 
religious sisters. To suppress the disorders thus intro- 



MONASTERIES AND NUNNERIES. XXXV. 

duced by these pretended friends of celibacy, it was found 
necessary to prohibit the priests from having any females 
in their houses, except their own mothers and sisters. But 
horrible to relate, from a decree of the Council of Mogun- 
tise, A. D. 888, we learn that some of them had children 
by their own sisters ! Vide Gieseler's History, Vol. II. 
p. 112. 

By a Canon of the Council of iEnhamense, A. D. 1009, 
it is expressly asserted, that some of them (i. e. the Rom- 
ish priests,) had not only one, but even two or more wo- 
men living with them ; that their voluptuous indulgences 
constituted their principal object of pursuit in life ; and 
that they did not blush to be engaged with prostitutes, even 
more publicly, more ostentatiously, more lasciviously, and 
more perseveringly, than the most unprincipled vagrants 
among the laity ! Hundreds of thousands of young fe- 
males were enticed into their nunneries under pretense of 
spending their life in religious seclusion. These nunneries 
were almost invariably in the immediate vicinity of the in- 
stitutions of the priests, and in different instances where 
these institutions were torn down, subterranean passages 
were discovered conducting from one to the other ! ! 

Clemangis, a distinguished French Catholic, who studied 
at Paris under the learned Gerson, and lived about fifty 
years before the time of Luther, gives such a description 
of the nunneries as we dare not spread out before the pub- 
lic in detail. After enumerating various particulars he 
adds, " what else are these nunneries than houses of pros- 
titution?*' So that in our day for a female to take the 



XXXVI. GRATITUDE DUE FOR THE REFORMATION. 

veil, is the same as publicly to offer herself for prostitution. 
See McGavin's Protestant, Vol. II. p. 718. George Gas- 
sander, a (Roman) Catholic writer, born a few years before 
the Reformation, testifies, " that scarcely one could be 
found in an hundred of the priests who was not guilty of 
illicit commerce with females !" 

Many of the Popes were among the most licentious ana 
corrupt men to be found in the annals of human debauch- 
ery, and Pope Paul III. even licensed brothels, for a regu- 
lar sum of money ! In the third year of his papacy Paul 
III. (who reigned in the very midst of the Reformation,) 
granted a bull for publicly licensing brothels, and gave an 
indulgence for the commission of lewdness, provided the 
man paid a certain fine to the Holy See, and the woman a 
yearly sum for her license, and entered her name into the 
public register. In the days of this Pope (1534,) it is said 
there were 45,000 such women in Rome ! This was the 
palmy time of Popery ! And these are the golden days, 
those Protestants who encourage Popery, by defending 
her errors, siding with her priests, and sending their 
daughters to nunnery-schools, are endeavoring to bring 
back ! Such, says Dr. Schmucker, " according to the 
testimony of Romish writers themselves, was the condi- 
tion of the Church prior to the Reformation. What 
gratitude is not due from every friend of virtue or religion, 
that these corruptions have been banished from at least a 
large portion of the Christian World. What gratitude is 
not due from every father and mother, that our eyes have 
been opened to the corruptions of these nunneries, that 



GRATITUDE DUE FOR THE REFORMATION. XXXVII 

oar daughters are no longer sent thither to be sacrificed to 
licentious priests ! With what gratitude should we cherish 
the recollection of the glorious Reformation ! And how 
faithfully should we labor by the dissemination of the word 
of God, and the spirit of piety among our fellow-citizens 
of all descriptions, to resist the progress of Popery among 
us !" Let Protestant parents beware how they encourage 
Popish Seminaries of learning, they may regret it, when 
it is too late. From what has now been stated we see, 
how necessary the Reformation was, and we see the wis- 
dom and goodness of God in raising up, at that very junc- 
ture of time, just such a man as Martin Luther. We will 
now enter upon the life of this great, and useful man. 



CHAPTER I 



Luther the Child, or the Ancestry, Birth, and Childhood 
of the Great Reformer. 

The great purposes of Jehovah, in every age of the 
world, so far as human agency has been concerned, have 
been accomplished mostly by individuals of poor and hum- 
ble origin. God has always made use of humble instru- 
ments in carrying forward the great and saving plans of 
his moral government, that no flesh should glory in his 
presence — that all the glory and the honor should be his, 
and his alone. " God hath chosen the foolish things 
of the world to confound the wise, and the weak to con- 
found the mighty, and base things, and things that are 
despised, and things that are not, to bring to naught things 
that are." 1 Cor. i. 27. Dr. Dodridge has thus para- 
phrased this passage ; viz : " But God hath chosen those 
things that are reputed foolish of the world, that he may 
shame the wise men of whom it is most ready to boast, 
and the weak things of the world, who pretend to no ex- 
traordinary strength hath God chosen, that he may by their 
heroic patience under the severest sufferings shame its 
mighty things, which have never been able with all their 
boasted fierceness to equal that meek fortitude with which 
we trace the footsteps of the Lamb of God. And ignoble 



MEN UNDER THE IMMEDIATE CARE OF GOD. XXXIX. 

tilings hath he chosen, and things most commonly and 
scornfully set at naught among men, yea, and things which 
are not in the least regarded, but are overlooked as if they 
had no being hath God chosen, that he may abolish and 
annihilate things that are in the highest esteem, and made 
the most illustrious figure among the children of men, that 
his great end of humbling us might be more effectually se- 
cured, and that no flesh might boast of any advantage or 
distinction in his presence." This God has done in every 
age, and if it should become necessary he will do it again 
and again, until the " latter day glory" shall have been 
ushered into our apostate and ruined world ! One of the 
most pleasing and delightful reflections to the Christian, is 
the wonderful and glorious manner in which God has in- 
terposed in every age, and in nothing has that interposition 
been more signal, than in raising up men from time to time 
of extraordinary piety, talents and energy. When the 
prospects of the Church were gloomy, when she was 
shrouded in mental and spiritual darkness, he always 
raised up men of heroic courage, of invincible fortitude- 
men of piety, talents and energy commensurate to her 
wants. Before the flood, when the Church was in danger 
God raised up Enoch and Noah to bless and save her by 
their zeal and piety. 

More than 4,000 years ago, God selected from among 
the humble herdsmen in the plains of Shinar, a man of 
great piety and courage, and made Abram the father of 
mighty nations, and through him rescued his Church from 
the idolatry of the surrounding nations. He took Moses 



XL. MEN UNDER THE IMMEDIATE CARE OF GOD. 

from the dangerous waters of the Nile, and made him not 
only the greatest legislator in the world, but also the Re- 
former and Preserver of his Church. He took Joshua 
from an humble and obscure family, and made him at once 
the scourge of his enemies, and the Savior of his Church ! 
David by the same Almighty power was transferred from 
a shepherd's cot to the throne of Israel, that he might 
through him and his illustrious family, further the benevo- 
lent designs of his Church. Esther, a lonely orphan — the 
child of a poor exile, was by the same Almighty Being 
raised to the august throne of the greatest monarch on 
earth, in order to save the Church from the malice of her 
enemies. So Ezra, and Nehemiah, and Daniel, were taken 
from the Jewish captives, and raised to high and honor- 
able stations, that they might become the instruments of 
reforming the Church. And our own blessed Redeemer 
was born in circumstances of humble poverty — he was 
born in a stable — the ox and the ass were his companions. 
" He was rich, yet for our sakes he became poor, that we 
through his poverty might be made rich." Christ in his 
own beautiful language says, " The foxes have holes, and 
the birds of the air have their nests, but the Son of man 
hath not where to lay his head." Yes ! the blessed Sa- 
vior had not even his own beast to ride, nor his own house 
to shelter him from the cold, he was dependent upon the 
hospitality of his friends for the very bread he ate, and the 
clothes he wore. 

The apostles too were chosen from among the humble 
poor. This was all done for wise purposes, there is a de- 



LUTHER GOD'S CHOSEN INSTRUMENT. XLI. 

sign, a wise and glorious design in every thing that God 
does. If God had carried forward his great and glori- 
ous plans of saving the world, through the instrumen- 
tality of the rich, the powerful and the great, infidelity and 
unbelief would have attributed the success and triumph of 
the Church, to the influence of wealth. As God is the 
same to-day, yesterday and forever, he carries on his great 
and mighty purposes in the same way from age to age, and 
judging from the past he will continue so to do, until all 
shall know him from the rising to the setting sun ! 

Thus too, Luther God's chosen instrument in rescuing 
his bleeding Church from the merciless dominion of the 
Pope, and reforming her doctrines and worship, and carry- 
ing forward the mighty purposes of his will, was of poor 
and humble origin. In the beautiful and poetic language 
of Prof. Tischer, we can say, " As a bright morning dawn 
is not always the precurser of a splendid day and a cloud- 
less sky, so is an illustrious pedigree no indication of re- 
nowned deeds and great talents. The great instructress 
of mankind, the history of the world, presents us with ex- 
alted and beneficent men, who descended from parents 
of low degree, and whose own noble actions raised them 
to honor, usefulness and celebrity. A striking proof of 
this fact, we behold in the immortal Luther, whose parents 
were poor and humble." 

God raised up Luther at the very juncture of time when 
his sinking church needed just such a man — a man of such 
talents, such courage, such faith, such energy and piety. 
Like some mighty and brilliant star he burst upon the earth 



xlii. luther's deathless fame. 

in her darkest and gloomiest hour ! " Till Luther rose there 
was no power to cope with the Papal Church. There 
was a true Church, but she had no champion." How 
true ! 

This great and wonderful man was born and reared 
amid scenes of humble poverty. Luther during the last 
twenty-five years of his life occupied a larger share of the 
attention of Europe, than any man of his age; and since 
his death his fame has spread and widened until it has 
reached the remotest corners of the earth ! What now is 
the fame of Leo the X., of Charles the "V., of Henry the 
VIII., of Erasmus or of any other of his cotemporaries, 
compared with that of the humble monk of Erfurt 1 Lu- 
ther is not the hero of one age, or of one nation, but of all 
ages and all nations. His fame has filled the world; and 
although upwards of three hundred years have rolled along 
since his death, his name and memory are still as dear to 
the hearts of millions in the 19th century, as they were to 
those of the 16th. And although no man that ever trod 
this earth, has been more slandered, and abused, and cal- 
umniated and maligned, and is even now more traduced 
and belied by the partisans of Rome, yet his fame is ever 
increasing, and will continue to increase, as the incalculable 
blessings of his labors in behalf of mankind, are more ex- 
tensively felt, and better understood ! His glory like the 
sun will never cease to shine, until the affairs of this lower 
world, shall have been brought to a close ! He lives in the 
hearts and the affections of millions of freemen who too 
well know what would now be their condition if Luther 



luther's deathless fame. xliii. 

had never lived, and labored, and preached, and written, 
and prayed. His name and memory are impressed upon 
the very heart's core of Protestants. And what is it that 
endears Luther to the hearts of Protestants ? It is the 
mighty intellect — the courageous spirit — the warm heart — 
the strong faith — and the fervent piety which characterized 
this great man. To say that Luther, taken all in all, was 
the greatest uninspired man that God ever placed upon this 
earth, is saying too little, and yet, more dare hardly be said. 
Dr. C. E. Stowe says : "There was probably never crea- 
ted a more powerful human being, a more gigantic, full pro- 
portioned man, in the highest sense of the term, than 
Martin Luther. In him, all that belongs to human nature, 
all that goes to constitute a man, had a strongly marked 
and characteristic development. He was a model-man, 
one that might be shown to other beings in other parts of 
the universe, as a specimen of collective manhood in its ma- 
turest growth." This remark may appear extravagant to 
some, but its correctness will be seen in the course of this 
memoir. , 

The individual who cannot admire the moral courage, 
the indomitable energy, the holy zeal, the unshaken faith, 
the transcendant talents, and the warm and fervent piety 
of a man like Luther, must indeed be dead to everything 
that constitutes man ! Much has been written for, and 
against Luther, perhaps more for, and against him, than 
any other human being that ever lived. For 300 years 
Aehas been the subject of abuse, and the theme of eulogy, 
among the most refined and intelligent nations of the earth 



XLIV. BIRTH PLACE OF JOHN LUTHER. 

— lie has been praised by the Protestants and denounced 
by the Roman Catholics to a far greater extend tlian any 
man living or dead. Everything, therefore, liiai has even 
the remotest connexion with this great and good man. his 
parentage — his birth-place — the scenes of his «.-liihlhood — 
the circumstances and associations with which he was sur- 
rounded — his education, and in short, everything which 
may have had any agency in the development of his 
physical, intellectual, or moral powers, must pos«ps- a 
deep and thrilling interest. We shall endeavor to op mi- 
nute without being prolix in the facts we are nbout to 
state. And as hundreds of individuals, both friends and 
enemies, have written the life of Luther, we are at no loss 
for materials, whether the facts about to be stated are the 
most interesting, the reader must judge. 

Near Eisenach, in Thuringia, in a quiet and romantic 
little vale, lay the humble, but beautiful village of Mohra. 
In this retired hamlet, far away from the noise and bustle 
of the great world, lived and died, nearly 400 years ago, 
an industrious and honest laborer, whose name was Henry 
Luther. Henry Luther would have lived, and died, and 
his name and memory, like that of millions of other excel- 
lent men who once lived and labored upon our earth, 
would have been forgotten if Martin Luther had not been 
his grandson. John Luther, the father of the great Re- 
former, was born in the same village, about the year 1460 
About Henry Luther, very little is known ; about John, 
we know a little more, but still not as much as we could 
wish. It is to be regretted that so little is known about 



1*83. CHARACTER 01 JOHN LUTHER. XLV 

the moral training of thr hi:mi, who, under God, raised such 
a son as Martin Luther, \\> all feel deeply interested in 
the parents of men of superior intellectual or great moral 
powers ; hence we feel almost as much interest in the his- 
tory of the parents of John Wesley, and Washington, and 
of Byron, as in the lives of those men themselves, for we 
all know what a great influence the habits of parents have 
on their children. The mother of John Wesley would no 
doubt have made a John Wesley out of Lord Byron, and 
Byron's mother would have turned the great apostle of 
Methodism into the petulant and misanthropic, though 
splendid poet ! If we are to judge the tree by its fruits, 
John Luther must have been a great man. The whole 
world is immensely indebted to the humble miner of Mans- 
field, for raising such a son ! 

When John Luther had arrived at a proper age, and 
thought himself able to support a family, he looked around 
in the same humble sphere in which he himself moved, 
for a companion, to share with him the joys and the sor- 
rows of life. He found such a companion in Margaret 
Lindeman, the daughter of a poor but honest peasant, who 
resided in Neustadt, a small village not far from Mohra. 
We do not know at what time they were married, but 
soon after their marriage they moved to Eisleben. Some 
say that Luther and his wife did not reside at Eisleben 
when their son was born, but that they had only gone 
thither to attend the annual fair ; but this does not appear 
very probable ; the distance from Mohra to Eisleben is 
about 75 miles, and was at that time a rough and unfre* 



XLVI. CHARACTER OF JOHN LUTHER. 

quented road ; we can therefore scarcely believe that Lu- 
ther and his wife, sensible and prudent christians, persons 
whose piety would not find much pleasure in the excite- 
ment and hilarity of a fair, would venture upon such a 
journey almost in the dead of winter. The very situation 
of Margaret Luther must preclude such a supposition. 
More than this, Luther's earliest biographers say nothing 
about this, and Luther himself says, "I was born and bap- 
tized in Eisleben," and if his parents had only been on a 
visit thither, it is more than likely he would have stated 
so remarkable a fact. 

There is no doubt but John Luther did move to Eisle- 
ben, and very probably intended to make it his place of 
residence, but not meeting with the success he had expect- 
ed, he did not remain long, perhaps from April, 1483, to 
the same date, 1484. 

John Luther, according to the testimony of his son, and 
of Philip Melancthon, the most famous man next to Lu- 
ther of his age, was a remarkable man. Though but a 
miner, or as his son calls him, a "wood cutter," he had a 
strong and vigorous intellect, a large share of common 
sense, and for those days, a considerable stock of informa- 
tion. One evidence of his clear head and correct judg- 
ment, is the fact that he looked with the utmost contempt 
upon the swarms of indolent monks and nuns that infest- 
ed the land, and ate out its substance, and corrupted its 
morals. Hence, when in after years his son became a 
monk, it almost broke his heart, and for a long time he re- 
fused to be reconciled to him. He was a man of true and 



luther's letter to his father. xlvii. 

enlightened piety ; he was pious in spite of the blighting 
and soul-destroying influence of popery. He was indus- 
trious, sincere, and upright ; a man of strict integrity, he 
was firm and unbending in his purposes, and this made 
him a severe disciplinarian. There was nothing light- 
minded or frivolous about him, indeed he seems to have 
bordered a little on the stern. His firmness seems to 
have approached almost to obstinacy, a common fault with 
men of such rigid morals. This trait the son seems to 
have inherited in a large degree from his father, and this 
very trait was one of those rare and peculiar qualifications 
that fitted Martin Luther so preeminently for the stupen- 
dous achievements of his after life ! John Luther was 
fond of reading, but as we may well suppose, books were 
then scarce, and his range must have been small. That 
John Luther was a good man, and an intelligent christian, 
is evident from a letter which Martin wrote to him in 1530. 
This letter shows the respect and affection of the great 
Reformer for his parents. " Dear Father : It would in- 
deed afford me much pleasure if you and mother could 
pay us a visit, and my Katy also desires, with tears, 
that you would visit us. We would attend to you (in 
your sickness) in the very best way we could. I have 
sent my servant Cyriacus to see whether in your weak- 
ness you are able to come. For let come what will, life 
or death, I should like you to be near me, so that, accord- 
ing to the commands of God, I might discharge the duties 
of a son towards you with gratitude and affection. I pray 
to that heavenly Father, who hath made you my earthly 



XLVIII. LUTHER S LETTER TO HIS FATHER. 

father, that in his boundless compassion he would give 
you grace and strength, and enlighten you bv his Holy 
Spirit, so that you might be enabled to acknowledge and 
confess with joy and thankfulness the blessed doctrines of 
his dear Son, our Lord and Savior, to which in his mercy 
you have been called. And I hope you have indeed been 
called from the gross darkness and error of sin, into this 
light, and that God will graciously finish that which he 
has so happily begun in your heart, and keep you faithful 
unto the coming of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ. 
For God has sealed this work in your heart, inasmuch as 
you have been called upon to suffer reproach for his 
name's sake. You have suffered reproach and scorn, 
hatred, enmity, and peril, for his sake. These are the 
proper marks of a true christian, and show us that we are 
like Christ, and have his image stamped upon our hearts. 
(Rom. viii. 29.) 

Let, therefore, your heart be joyful and happy in your 
affliction ; nor need you fear to die, for we have a true 
.nd faithful friend in the other world, who has abolished 
ein and death for us, even Jesus Christ the righteous. 
Therefore " be strong and of good courage, fear not, nor 
be afraid of them, for the Lord thy God, he it is that go- 
eth with thee, he will not fail thee, nor forsake thee." 
Deut. xxxi. 6. Again we have the encouraging promise, 
"Ask and ye shall receive." And in Acts ii. 21, it is 
said, " whosoever shall call upon the name of the Lord 
shall be saved." And the whole Psalter is full of such 
sweet and refreshing comforts, especially the 91st, which 
is an excellent Psalm for the sick to read. * * * 



THE INFLUENCE OF JOHN LUTHER UPON HIS SON. XLIX. 

If it should be the will of God that you should be de- 
nied the enjoyment of a better world now, and remain with 
us awhile longer in this miserable and sorrowful vale of 
tears, to share in our troubles, and sympathize with us in 
our misfortunes, God I hope will give you grace cheerful- 
ly to submit. For this life is nothing more than a vale of 
tears, in which we see and feel every day more and more 
its sorrows and afflictions, and there is no prospect of a 
termination to these sufferings until after we shall have 
passed into another world — then they must cease and we 
shall then rest sweetly in Jesus, until in the morning of the 
Great Day, he will come to wake us up. * * * 

I am truly sorry that I cannot be with you to comfort 
you in your affliction. All the family wish most affec- 
tionately to be remembered to you, and our dear mother, 
and all the rest. God's grace be with you now and for- 
ever. Amen. M. Luther. 

This letter does honor to Luther's heart, and shows us 
that he considered his father an intelligent and enlightened 
Christiin. John Luther was certainly far in advance of 
his cotemporaries. We may well imagine that in such a 
dark age, when the bishops, priests, monks and nuns, were 
nothing more than an ignorant rabble, it must have been a 
rare thing for a poor miner, who had to earn his bread by 
the sweat of his brow, to rise above the common multitude. 
More than this, the awfully corrupted system of religion 
unaVr which he was educated, had a tendency then, just 
as now, to cramp the energies of the human mind, and to 
stum the moral powers of the soul. Yet under all these 



L. THE INFLUENCE OF JOHN LUTHER UPON HIS SON. 

unfavorable circumstances, the strong native powers of 
his mind triumphed over every difficulty. As John Luther 
couid not read Latin, and as German Bibles were then 
scarce, and never circulated among the common people, it 
is not probable that the Bible was among his books ; yea, 
from the fact that Martin never saw the Bible until he was 
of age, it is quite certain that John Luther had no Bible. 
The first Bible he saw was, no doubt, that translated by 
his son. Martin Luther translated and published Reuch- 
lin's Latin version of the Psalter in 1517. This is a re- 
markable circumstance, that at least a portion of God's 
Word should be published simultaneously with the com- 
mencement of the glorious Reformation ! Although the 
intelligent miner of Mansfield never distinguished himself 
by any literary effort, yet he wrote and impressed his own 
stern and unshaken virtues upon the mind of his Son, and 
his name and memory are immortalized in the fame and 
celebrity of that son, every step of whose education can 
be traced to the pious and enlightened mind, the warm and 
generous heart, the firm and energetic character of the 
father. It would have been an honor, yea, a very great 
honor, for the greatest potentate on earth, to be the father 
of such a son, yet this great honor fell to the share of 
John Luther! Ah! little did the poor miner of Mansfield 
think, when after the toils of the day, he would take his 
little son upon his knees, and listen to his innocent prattle, 
and have his soul thrilled with the innocent smiles of his 
first-born — and when he would fold his little hands to- 
gether and teach him to pray — ah, little did he think that 



LUTHER S LETTER TO HIS MOTHER. LI. 

that son would one day, even in his own life time, occupy 
a larger share of public attention than any other man on 
earth, and that he would one day, unassisted by armies or 
any human power, single handed and alone, shake and 
convulse to their very centres the mightiest kingdoms of 
the world ! Yet so it turned out. Luther's mother, too, 
seems to have been an excellent woman. Melancthon 
says, she was a model to all the women where she resided. 
She was remarkable for her piety and her prayers. She 
seems, too, like her husband, to have been a woman of 
great firmness, and a stern disciplinarian. Martin Luther 
makes frequent and honorable mention of his mother. In 
1531, when she was very ill, he wrote the following let- 
ter to her, which shows that she too, was an humble fol- 
lower of the Lamb. It commences thus : 

" Grace and peace in Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. 

My very dear Mother, (the German is Meine herzliebe 
Mutter) I have received the letter of brother Jacob, which 
informs me of- your illness. It grieves me that I cannot 
be with you. Yet I will be, as it were bodily with you 
in this letter, and spiritually I am always with you. Al- 
though, I trust, your heart has long since been fully in- 
structed, by the many and excellent preachers with which 
you are blessed, yet I feel anxious to discharge my duties, 
and show you that I am still your child, and you are my 
Mother. * * * 

In the first place, dear mother, you know that your 
affliction is nothing more than the gracious rod of your 
Heavenly Father, and that it is very light, compared with 



LII. LUTHER S LETTER TO HIS MOTHER. 

that with which he visits the ungodly. Yea, and even 
light compared with that with which he sometimes visits 
his own dear children, when one is beheaded, another 
burned, another drowned, and so on. Therefore, let not 
your present illness trouble you, but receive it thankfully, 
as sent by his grace. And even if your present affliction 
should terminate in death, it is a light thing compared to 
the sufferings of our blessed Lord and Savior, who suffered 
not for himself, but for us. 

In the second place, dear mother, you know the grounds 
of all comfort, and the foundation of all happiness. You 
know on whom you are to place your hopes in this, and 
every other affliction. You know that Jesus Christ is the 
corner-stone, and that he will never leave nor forsake us, 
nor permit us to be overwhelmed. He is the Savior of 
all — and especially of those who are in need, and in their 
need call upon him. " Be of good courage," he says, 
" I have overcome the world." Therefore, only be com- 
forted in the Lord. " I live," says the Lord, " and there- 
fore shall ye also live, and your joy shall no man take from 
you." May the Lord give you faith, a joyful and firm 
faith, that you may overcome this and every other afflic- 
tion. I hereby commend your soul and body to the com- 
passionate care of our God. Katy and all the children 
pray for you ; — some are crying, others are eating and say- 
ing, " grandmother is very sick." The grace of God be 
with you. Amen. M. Luther." 

The letter is long, we have therefore, only given part of 
it, but what we have translated, shows how dutiful and af- 



LIII 

fectionate a son he was. Luther's mother seems to hav6 
been firm, but somewhat hasty in her temper. " One 
day," says Luther, "she chastised me on account of a 
horse, until the blood came." In German, " eines Rosses 
willen," perhaps for venturing too near a horse. Luther 
says, in after life, " My parents were very strict, and treat- 
ed me rather harshly, so much so, that I became very timid ; 
they no doubt thought they were doing right, but they had 
no proper discernment of character, which is absolutely 
necessary, that we may know upon whom, and when to 
inflict punishment. This, alas, is too often the case in the 
present age, many well-meaning parents have little or no 
knowledge of human nature, and often punish their chil- 
dren when they ought not to do it, and leave them un- 
punished when their present and eternal happiness re- 
quires it. 

These, then, were the parents of Martin Luther, that 
great and good man, who, under God, did more for the 
the world at large, than any other man that ever lived. 

John Luther died on the 29th of May, 1530, and his 
wife Margaret, followed him to a better world on the 30th 
of June, 1531. They both lived to see their son second 
in importance to no other man in Europe. 

But to retrace our steps. Martin Luther was born on 
the 10th day of November, 1483, at 11 o'clock at night. 
It being the eve of St. Martin's day, the child was called 
Martin, in honor of that Saint. The day after his birth, 
in accordance with the custom of that age, he was carried 
to the Church of St. Peter, and was baptized by effusion 



LIV. THE CHARACTER OF LUTHER S PARENTS. 

with this baptism Luther was ever after perfectly satisfied. 
He was born in Eisleben, at that time a considerable vil- 
lage in Upper Saxony, where his parents then resided. 
He was born in the fall of 1483 ; in the spring of 1484, 
his parents moved to Mansfield. Mansfield is situated in 
the mountainous regions of Thuringia, about fifteen Eng- 
lish miles North West from Eisleben. Here in this beau- 
tiful and romantic spot, surrounded by dark forests, and 
watered by the clear, pure streams that gush from the 
mountain-side, and blest with a salubrious atmosphere,-— 
here Martin Luther spent the interesting period of his 
childhood. It was here he first learned to lisp that rich, 
copious and powerful language, in which he afterward 
convulsed the nations of the earth, and shook to its very 
centre the Papal Hierarchy ! Luther's parents, when they 
first moved to Mansfield, were very poor. Luther says : 
" My parents were very poor ; my father was a wood- 
cutter, and my mother often carried the wood upon her 
back, that she might earn bread to bring us children up." 
From this passage it would seem, that although John Lu- 
ther was a miner by profession, yet he did not always 
work at that business, but sometimes also cut wood for a 
living. From a laborer, John Luther rose to the proprie- 
torship of a furnace. Yea, we are informed that he owned 
four furnaces, (Schmeltz-ofen,) These of course, were 
not such large establishments, as our American furnaces 
generally are. We have stated above, that John Luther 
was a pious man, and as such he determined to give his 
son a religious education, and he never lost sight of this 



1488. EARLY TRAINING OF LUTHER. LV. 

object. It is said in the life of Luther quite recently pub- 
lished by the London Tract Society, " That John Luther 
was a man who lived in the fear of God, and that it was 
his custom to pray fervently, and loudly at the bed side of 
his child, that the Almighty would make his son a partaker 
of his grace, and would remember his great name, and pro- 
mote the propagation of purer doctrine than was then taught, 
through the instrumentality of the child before him." This 
is indeed a remarkable and almost a prophetic prayer. 
How wonderfully did not God hear, and answer this 
prayer ! 

Little Martin was sent to school before he could cleverly 
walk, for we are told that his father and a young man by 
the name of Nicholas Oemler, often carried him to school. 
George Emelius had the honor of being Luther's first 
teacher. Luther seems from his earliest infancy to have 
been surrounded by circumstances and influences, that 
were calculated to make him a good and a great man. His 
naturally impetuous spirit was subdued, and his violent 
temper was, early brought under a wholesome subjection. 
He was early taught to govern himself, which was of great 
importance to him in after life. At home the rod of cor- 
rection was freely applied to his back, and at school he 
fared no better. It is said, that he was flogged fifteen times 
in one day at school ! In this school he learned the Cate- 
chism, the Ten Commandments, the Apostles' Creed, the 
Lord's Prayer, and a few other prayers and some hymns. 
Here too, he learned to write, and commenced the Latin 



lvi. luther's personal appearance. 1490. 

grammar. In this school of affliction, for such it must 
have been to Luther, he made rapid progress — here in this 
humble school he laid the foundation of that splendid edu- 
cation, which in subsequent life astonished and electrified 
the world ! Luther remained at Mansfield until he was 
thirteen years old, no doubt going to school all that time. 

His early biographers say that he was a stout, brave lad, 
full of life and animation, but in consequence of the severe 
discipline under which he was trained, his spirit seemed 
to have been almost entirely crushed. When he was 
thirteen years old, he was exceedingly backward and 'Amor- 
ous. Yet we all know that his unconquerable spirit was 
not crushed, and his chainless mind was not subdued ! 
His subsequent splendid career proves this. We are told 
that at this time he was stoutly set, and a healthy looking 
boy, with a fine florid complexion, a keen, falcon eye, 
light hair, and a prominent forehead. In after life, when 
worn down by severe study and unnumbered cares, he 
became thin in body, and his countenance was not so 
fresh. Erasmus A.ber, who describes Luther when he was 
about thirty-three years of age, says, he was a man of or- 
dinary size, about five feet eight inches high, rather stoutly 
set, and had a handsome figure. His countenance was be- 
nevolent and beautifully dignified and intelligent. There 
was something elevated in his face — his forehead was 
earnest, open, and determined. His countenance was 
thin and emaciated and pale, and in consequence of hard 
study and many cares, it looked sad. His voice was 



luther's personal appearance. lvii. 

clear, penetrating and cheerful. His look was pleasant 
and ardent, and not unfrequently gloomy. 

But to return to his childhood. John Luther watched 
with the most anxious solicitude the development of the 
moral and intellectual powers of his promising son. He 
saw enough by this time, to convince him that Martin had 
a superior mind. His application was so great, his grasp 
of mind so quick, his memory so tenacious, his judgment 
so sound for a mere child, and his deportment so grave 
and dignified at the age of thirteen, that not only his father, 
but all who knew him, predicted something great and ex- 
traordinary in his future life. But neither his father nor 
any other person could possibly have had the most distant 
idea of the honors that awaited him in after life. 

Luther's parents seem to have been very careful with 
his religious instruction, and so far as they understood the 
principles of religion, they communicated them to him. 
When Martin was thirteen years old, his knowledge of 
God was very limited, and even that little which he had 
was not very correct. He knew God only as a being of 
terror. Mathesius says : " That every time he heard the 
name of Christ mentioned he turned pale, for he had been 
represented to him as an angry Judge." " This servile 
fear," says D'Aubigne, " which is so far removed from true 
religion, perhaps prepared his mind for the glad tidings of 
the gospel, and for that joy which he afterwards felt, when 
he learfied to know Christ as meek and lowly of heart." 
Philip Melancthon, in his life of Luther, says : " As soon 
as young Martin was old enough to learn, his parents taught 
3* 



LVIII. LUTHER S PERSONAL APPEARANCE. 

him very carefully the knowledge and fear of God, and as 
was then customary, they also taught him to read and 
write." The impressions made upon his mind by the ex- 
imple and instructions of his excellent parents, were never 
obliterated, the seed of truth which they so carefully sowed, 
brought forth much fruit, to the honor and glory of God ! 
Having now passed over the proper childhood of Lu- 
lher, let us next look at Luther, the youth and the student 



CHAPTER III. 



Luther, the Student. 

In 1497, when Luther was in his 14th year, his father 
sent him in company with John Reinecke, a lad of his own 
age, to the high school at Magdeburg. Mclancthon says, 
" There were at that time pretty good schools in the towns 
of Saxony — schools in which grammar was correctly 
taught." The school at Magdeburg was an institution of 
some celebrity at that time, it was under the supervision 
of the Franciscans, who were very strict and rigorous in 
their rules, both with themselves and their pupils. The 
Franciscans were by their vows devoted to the visiting of 
the sick, and the burying of the dead. Their grey habits, 
and their dark scowls, were well calculated to impress the 
mind with gloom and melancholy. These austere, unre- 
fined, and iron-hearted men, were perhaps not the best 
tutors for Luther. The high reputation these men had 
acquired for the austerity of their rules, and the sanctity 
of their manners, was no doubt one reason why John 
Luther sent his son thither. But the situation of Luther 
was not very pleasant, for he was obliged, according to 
the customs of that age, to beg his bread from door to 
door, and what is still worse, he could not even procure a 
subsistence in this way, for he had frequently to return at 



LX. LUTHER S HARD LIFE AT MAGDEBURG. 

night without a mouthful of bread. The pious Mathesius 
says: "When Luther was at Magdeburg he had, like 
many other honest, and even tolerably wealthy people's 
children, to beg his bread by singing his ' Panem propter 
Deum,' (Bread for God's sake.) That which is to be- 
come great, must begin small." Thus young Martin ex- 
perienced hard times at Magdeburg, for he himself informs 
us, that he was often repulsed from the doors of the rich, 
and had to return late at night to his cheerless lodgings 
without his supper. We may well imagine how much 
the poor youth must have been discouraged under such 
circumstances! Luther was to be trained for future self- 
denial, and he had to bear the yoke in his youth. We do 
not know much about his progress in learning while at 
Magdeburg. The only advantage he derived from his being 
at this place, was this, viz.: while he was at Magdeburg, 
Andrew Proles, a pious and eloquent monk of the order 
of St. Augustine, was there preaching with great zeal and 
energy against the corruptions of the church, and the ne- 
cessity of a reformation in religion. No doubt this cir- 
cumstance had its influence upon the young student's hon- 
est heart. D'Aubigne says: "Perhaps these discourses 
deposited in the soul of the youth the earliest germ of the 
thoughts which a later period unfolded." This is indeed 
very probable, and if so, then the unpleasant year he spent 
at Magdeburg was not without its advantages. Young 
Luther bore up under his hardships, until he could bear 
them no longer. In his half-starved condition, and in deep 
distress of mind, he wrote to his father, informing him 



1498. LUTHER GOES TO EISENACH. LXI. 

how he fared. His parents felt deeply for their son, but 
were not at that time in a condition to assist him with 
money. They however invited him to come home, which 
lie did, after having spent about one year at Magdeburg. 

In 1498, when Luther was in his fifteenth year, his pa- 
rents sent him to the high school at Eisenach. There 
were two reasons for sending him to Eisenach, the first 
was, that the grammar school there was very popular, and 
the second was, Mrs. Luther had relations at Eisenach ; 
and as John Luther was not yet able to support his son 
at school entirely, they (the parents) very naturally ex- 
pected the assistance of those relations in the education of 
their son. But in this they were sadly disappointed, for 
their relations were either too poor to assist him, or too 
heartless to regard the tender ties of consanguinity. At 
Eisenach poor Martin found out, what thousands since 
have learned, by painful and bitter experience, that it is a 
hopeless thing for the poor to depend upon their relations 
in time of need! Here at Eisenach, as at Magdeburg, 
poor Martin had again to sing his Panem propter Deum, 
and thus beg his bread from house to house. Indeed it 
would seem that at first he even, if possible, fared worse 
than at Magdeburg, for he informs us that one day in par- 
ticular he was driven three times from the doors of citizens, 
and had to go to bed without a mouthful to eat ! The cus- 
tom of singing for bread is an old usage in Germany, and 
is still in vogue. When and how it originated we do not 
know, but it still exists, as we learn from the Rev. B. 
Kurtz, D. D., of Baltimore, who in 1847 saw and heard 



LXII. SINGING FOR BREAD STILL PRACTISED IN GERMANY. 

the poor students singing for bread at Eisenach. Dr. 
Kurtz says: "When Luther was fifteen years old, we 
find him begging his bread by the exercise of his vocal 
powers, singing before the houses of the citizens. This 
was no unusual occurrence in that age, and was proverb- 
ially designated as obtaining bread for God's sake. Thus 
when God intends to qualify an individual for future use- 
fulness and greatness, he previously schools him in hu- 
mility. Luther still lives and reigns in this, as well as in 
many other of the time-honored customs of Germany. 
Some years since, when the writer stopt to dine at Eisen- 
ach, under the very shadow of Wartburg, a choir of schol- 
ars in their long black gowns, came under the window 
and sang several hymns. On inquiring into the cause, 
the waiter replied, 'This singing is an ancient practice, 
(eine alte herkommliche Anstalt,) established by Dr. Mar- 
tinus Lutherus ; we pay two dollars and a half a year, and 
for this the poor scholars must sing twice a week before 
our house, and so they receive their learning.' Many of 
the most illustrious scholars of Germany have received 
their education in this manner. Doring, whose edition of 
Horace was republished in London in 1820, and who was 
rector of a school at Guben in 1781, complains of having 
to sing before the houses of the citizens of that town on 
holidays ; but adds, that the fees made up too considerable 
a part of his salary for him to discontinue the practice." 
The situation of young Luther was truly painful. As 
he had to leave Magdeburg for want of bread, so he no 
doubt thought he would have to leave Eisenach also. In 



LUTHER S DEEP, SOUL-AFFLICTION AT EISENACH. LXIII 

his deep distress he called upon God. Here we may date 
that mighty conflict of soul, which continued until he was 
led, in true faith, to the feet of the Redeemer. 

One day in particular, his sufferings seemed to have ar- 
rived at a crisis; he was out as usual singing for bread, 
but door after door was closed upon him. He was actu- 
ally in want; in his deep agony of mind he had wandered 
he knew not whither — he stood motionless before a house 
absorbed in deep and painful reflections ! O ! must I, after 
all my cherished hopes, abandon my studies for want of 
bread — must I return to Mansfield, as I did from Magde- 
burg — is there no way for me— Oh God ! in thee do I 
trust ! Painful, agonizing thoughts ! This was a gloomy 
hour for young Martin. But even these scenes of afflic- 
tion were not without advantage to him. The deep in- 
ward life of Luther's soul was nourished by these calami- 
ties — he was tried in the furnace. 

"One of Luther's biographers says: "These calamities 
had a tendency to develop that deep sadness whose seeds 
had been sown by the austere Franciscans at Magdeburg. 
Nevertheless, this painful condition was not without its 
importance to the inward life of Luther. Forsaken by 
the world, and abandoned to penury and want, grieved 
and mortified by the cold and unfeeling conduct of those 
upon whom he depended, under these circumstances his 
soul would naturally turn to a higher power — he would 
lift his heart in prayer to him who is the Father of all, 
and who careth even for the worm that crawls upon the 
earth. His helplessness amid the tenderness of his youth, 



LXIV. LUTHER FINDS A HOME 1498. 

would naturally drive him to the throne of the Eternal ! 
The agony of mind which he experienced, amid the joy- 
ful period of youth, had a tendency to urge him to seek 
the friendship of heaven." 

But God saw that the miner's son must not abandon 
his studies, he must remain at Eisenach in order to accom- 
plish the great designs of his providence. The church 
which was dear to him as the apple of his eye, was now, 
as it were, weltering in her blood ! She had no cham- 
pion. The promise had long before been given concern- 
ing her, that she should become "bright as the sun, fair as 
the moon, and terrible as an army with banners,"- — that 
she should arise and shine — that no weapon formed against 
her should prosper — that after her long, long, and dark 
night of sorrow, her joy should come at last! And that 
poor, dejected boy that was now actually destitute of bread 
in the streets of Eisenach, was to be the honored instru- 
ment, in the hands of God, of accomplishing this mighty 
work ! Look up, dejected youth, " the Lord will provide." 
That God who heareth the young ravens when they cry, 
and who has numbered the very hairs of your head, will 
not leave you without a friend and a home ! 

Whilst the painful thoughts of abandoning his studies 
were wringing his heart with agony, an angel of mercy, 
in the person of a pious and benevolent lady, appeared, 
and came to his relief! This was Elizabeth Cotta, the 
daughter of the Burgomaster of Eilfeld, and the wife of 
Conrad Cotta, a respectable citizen of Eisenach, who lived 
in St. George's street. This lady Elizabeth, (not as 



IN THE COTTA FAMILY. LXV. 

D'Aubigne calls her Ursula,) in the chronicles of Eisen- 
ach is called the "pious Shunamite," in remembrance of 
her who so earnestly entreated the Prophet Elisha to eat 
bread with her. See II Kings iv. 8. This pious lady it 
appears was struck with the sweet and melodious voice, 
and the warm and eloquent prayers of young Martin at 
church. Melancthon says, "because she took a fancy to 
his singing, and his hearty prayers at church." He was 
a "stranger and she took him in, he was hungry and she 
gave him to eat." She called him into the house, perhaps 
only to supply his immediate wants ; but on a more inti- 
mate acquaintance with the interesting youth, he was invi- 
ted to become an inmate of the family. Luther, of course, 
joyfully accepted the kind and benevolent invitation, and 
thenceforth became a member of that interesting family. 

The first great conflict was now over, the storms had 
subsided, and the heavens were clear and light, he took 
fresh courage, and went on his way rejoicing. Here in 
the Cotta family he was happy. He could now pursue 
his studies with pleasure and delight. He spent three 
years in this pious family, and no doubt both he, and the 
family were mutually pleased, and benefited by his resi- 
dence there. The Cotta family never regretted the kind- 
ness they showed to the poor scholar. There is some- 
thing very touching and eloquent in this whole scene, far 
surpassing the ordinary charities of life. 

It is said by him, who spake as never man spake, of a 
certain woman who had done a kind act to him, that 
" wheresoever this Gospel shall be preached throughout 



LXVI. LUTHER S PROGRESS IN HIS STUDIES 1499. 

the whole world, this also that she hath done shall be spo- 
ken of, for a memorial of her." So the kindness of Eliz- 
abeth Cotta to the poor student will never be forgotten ! 
No doubt, she was like a lady in England, of whom a cele- 
brated writer says, " the patting of the little bare feet of 
the poor children that came to her house were music to 
her benevolent heart, and the very smell of their clothes 
reminded her of the breath of heaven." 

Luther remembered the kindness of this family through 
life, he was not the man to forget a favor, or requite an act 
of benevolence with ingratitude. Many years afterwards 
when Luther's fame had reached the remotest corners of 
Europe, when he had become the most renowned man of 
his age, and when he was the ruling spirit of the most cele- 
brated University in the world; a son of Conrad, and Eliz- 
abeth Cotta is sent to Wittenberg, Luther remembers the 
kindness of his benefactors, and as some little return of 
gratitude, he receives their son under his own roof, and at 
his own table. 

Luther now made rapid progress in his studies, and 
came up fully to the expectations of all who were in- 
terested in his education. John Tremonius, (or Tre- 
bonius,) was then Rector of the High School, and the 
most distinguished teacher at Eisenach, he was not only as 
Melancthon says, " a good grammarian," but a gentleman 
of pretty extensive information, and possessed a kindly and 
benevolent heart. Under his tuition young Luther made 
rapid progress in his studies. During his residence at 
Eisenach, as a relaxation from severer studies Luther 
turned his attention to poetry and music. It was here he 



luther's musical talents. lxvil 

laid the foundation of those splendid musical attainments, 
which he afterwards acquired. He improved his fine alto 
voice, he learned to play the German flute, and also per- 
formed on ihe lute (in German die Laute) a stringed in- 
strument now almost or entirely gone out of ues. His 
knowledge and skill in music, not only proved a great 
source of pleasure to him, but contributed not a little to his 
future usefulness in furthering the great plans of Provi- 
dence in reforming the Church. For when in after life the 
storms of persecution were raging fiercely around him, he 
found great pleasure in music. And his knowledge and 
skill in this science proved to be one of his most useful 
attainments in the great Reformation which he effected. 
It was his music, as much as anything else, that moved the 
heart of all Germany. Sir Philip Sydney, once said: 
" Let me make the songs of a nation, and I care not who 
makes its laws." Luther made the songs or hymns of 
Germany, and he also made her tunes. He wrote some 
of the best hymns in the world, and composed many tunes 
more than 300 years ago, that all the civilization and re- 
finement of modern days have not made obsolete, and 
never will, tunes that will be sung with rapture and delight 
down to the last period of time. We shall speak of Lu- 
ther, as a composer of music, and an hymnologist in another 
place, as we do not wish to break in upon the chronolo- 
gical arrangement of our narrative.* 

* Luther's musical talents were of the highest order, as an hymnologist 
and composer he occupies a high position. Ram bach, Waehernagel and 
other distinguished German scholars have done ample justice to the great 
Reformer in this department. Dr. Stang gives us an account of all tho 



LXVIII. LUTHER GOES TO ERFURT. 1501. 

Luther while at Eisenach also learned the turning busi- 
ness, perhaps only as a pass-time. As a student, and a 
cheerful and pleasant companion, he was much beloved by 
his fellow students. His strong memory, his quick ap- 
prehension, and his severe application, soon enabled him 
to out-strip all his fellow-students. His progress was most 
apparent in the languages, and in the department of belles 
lettres. Latin and German poetry, and rhetorick seem to 
nave been his favorite studies. The correctness of his 
habits, his diligence, and strict obedience to all the rules of 
the school, soon won the favor of all his instructors. But 
however rapid his progress, and pleasant his situation in 
the Cotta family, and however much beloved by his teach- 
ers, the ties that bound him to Eisenach must all be sev- 
ered. His father had by this time improved in his world- 
ly affairs, and as it was the long cherished wish of his 

hymns and music Luther composed, and Prof. Stowe has given an eclec- 
tic view of the whole subject in the Biblical Repository. But what we 
consider the best thing on the subject, is Luther's original collection of 
hymns and psalms, which is now before us. It is called, " Spiritual 
Songs and Psalms brought together by Dr. M. Luther, 1529 " This 
book contains nearly all Luther's hymns, and was improved from time to 
time, in Luther's life time, until it became the famous " Wurtembergis- 
che Gesang Buch," with which most of our German preachers are 
well acquainted. The following hymns, are either translated from the 
Latin, or originally composed by Luther. The excellent funeral hymn, 
" This body let us now inter," Luther says in his preface to the hymn 
book, is not his " it is," said he, " an excellent hymn, and the produc- 
tion of a splendid poet (John Weise) but I don't want the honor of another 
man's labors." The following are Luther's hymns, viz : 

1. " The Savior of the heathen comes," an Ad ven-t hymn-original. 

2. The hymn "A Solis Ortu," translated thus, 

Christ the Son of Mary, 

Shall be praised to the end of the world, 

As far as the sun, throws his rays, See. 



LUTHER GOES TO ERFURT. LXIX 

heart to see his son at a University, he determined to 
send him to Erfurt. We will now follow Luther, the stu- 
dent, to Erfurt, the most famous University in all Germany. 
Erfurt, the scene in which was acted the prelude to the 
stirring drama, in the eventful life of Luther. Here com- 
menced that mighty struggle in his own soul which liber- 
ated him from the thraldom of Rome, and the dominion of 
sin, and emancipated a degraded and priest-ridden world, 
from the tyranny and bondage of the " Man of sin.''' The 
foundation of Luther's splendid education, (as we have 
seen above,) was laid under the paternal roof, and continued 
in the humble school of Emelius at Mansfield, say six 
years, at Magdeburg one year, at Eisenach between three 
and four years, making eleven years — a pretty good time 
to prepare for the studies of a University. Luther went 
to Erfurt in 1501, when he was in his 18th year. He was 

3. Praise be to thee, Lord Jesus Christ — original. 
That thou did'st man become — Golobet seyst du Jesu Christ, dasz du 
Mensch geboren bist. 
4 Vom Himmel hoch da komra ich her, &c. — original. 
I come from the lofty skies 
To bring you glad tidings. 

5. Vom Himmel kam der Engel-schaar, Erscheint den Hirten offenbar, 
&c. — original. 

The angel-host from heaven came 

And appear to the shepherds on the plain, &c. 

6. Der Hymnus, Hostis Herodes — original. 

Was f iirchst die Feind Herodes sehr, 
Dass uns geborn kommt Christ der Herr 
Er sucht kein sterblich Konigreich, 
Der zu uns bringt sein Himmelreich ! 

7. Der Lobgesang Simeons des Altvaters— original. 

8. Christ lag, in Todes-banden, 

Fiir unser Siind, gegeben, — improved by Luther. 



LXX. LUTHER GOES TO ERFURT. 

not now however to beg his bread, as he had done at Mag- 
deburg and Eisenach, his father was now able to support 
him. But strange to tell even here Luther went through 
the form, and begged in a more degrading manner than he 
had ever done, as you will see presently ! The most cele- 
brated teacher of the scholastic philosophy in all Germany, 
was Dr. Judocus Trautvetter, he was a native of Eisenach, 
and rector of the University ; under him Luther was led 
into all the intricate mazes of the Schoolmen. This man 
died at Erfurt in 1519, of a broken-heart, because he could 
not refute his former pupil's ninety-five Theses, and be- 
cause he saw the absurd system of the schoolmen sinking 
and could not sustain it. The other most celebrated Pro- 
fessors at Erfurt were John Gryphius, and John Graven- 
stein, and one Bigand, this latter gentleman, says Luther, 
in a letter to the Elector of Saxony, " was a learned and 

9. Jesus Christus unser Heiland 
Der den Tod uberwand 

1st auferstanden, die Siind hat er gefangen, 
Kyrie Eleeison! — original. 

10. Der Hymnus, veni Spiritus Creator, 

Komm Gott Schop Heiliger Geist — improved by Luther. 

11. Veni sancte spiritus — translated thus by Luther. 

Komm heiliger Geist Herr Gott, 
Erfiill mit deiner Gnaden Giit, &c. 

12. Nun bitten wir den Heiligen Geist — original. 

13. Gott der Vater wohn uns bei — original. 

14. The Ten Commandments in /erse by Luther. 

Diess sind die heiligen zehen Gebote. 

15. The Ten Commandments abridged. 

Mensch willst du leben seliglich, 

Und bey Gott bleiben ewiglich — original. 

16. Das Deutsche Patrem, 

Wir glauben all an einen Gott — original. 



LUTHER COMPARED WITH CICERO AS AN ORATOR. LXXI. 

pious man, and from him I learned much ; among other 
things, he first informed me, that John Huss had been in- 
nocently and unjustly condemned." Luther commenced 
his studies in good earnest, he had laid a good foundation 
in the Latin at Eisenach, he was soon able to relish all the 
beauties of the best Latin writers. He read Cicero, 
Plautus, Virgil, Livy and others with great care. Cicero 
he had almost committed to memory. 

Luther was an early riser, and even at this time com- 
menced his daily labors with prayer. He adopted for his 
motto, " To have prayed well, is to study well.'' 1 Luther 
did not content himself, like too many students, by merely 
reading those great authors as a college task, but he tried 
to understand them fully, — to catch their spirit, — to make 
their thoughts his thoughts. Perhaps one of the most for- 
tunate circumstances in his early life, was the fact that he 

17. Our Lord's Prayer in verse — original. 
IS. On baptism. 

Christ unser Herr zura Jordan kam — original. 

19. Jesus Christus unser Heiland. 

Der von uns den Zorn Gottes wandt — improved. 

20. A song of praise. 

Gott sey gelobet und gebenedeyet — original. 

21. The 12th Psalm, salvum me lac Domine. 

Ach Gott vom Himmel, sieh darein, 

Oh God from heaven now look down — original. 

22. The 40th Psalm. 

Es spricht der unweisen Mund wohl — original. 

23. The 46th Psalm. 

Deus noster refugium et virtus, 

Ein' veste Burg ist unser Gott. 
This celebrated national Hymn, we have given an account of under the 
head of Augsburg Diet, which see. Dr. Stowe says, this hymn was not 
written as many suppose at the Diet of Worms in 1522. It was written 



LXXII. LUTHER COMPARED WITH CICERO AS AN ORATOR. 

made Cicero his model. The reading of Cicero's ora- 
tions, no doubt, kindled in his soul the first spark of that 
fire of eloquence which afterwards electrified all Germany, 
and startled a slumbering world into a more vigorous life ! 
Not one of all that great master's pupils ever studied and 
copied Cicero so successfully. Luther was Cicero speak- 
ing in German. True, his ordinary style does not smell 
so much of the lamp — it is not so ornate, or so finely 
elaborated, but while it is deficient in the mere rhetorical 
graces of the mighty Roman orator, it was more soul- 
stirring, more powerfully overwhelming ! Never was 
any language wielded with such tremendous effect, as the 
German by Luther ! He read the plays of Plautus, and 
the poems of Virgil with much pleasure. Livy was also 
a favorite author with him. But most of his time seems 
to have been taken up with such works as Occam, Bona- 

at Coburg in 1530. We think Dr. Stowe is mistaken as to one fact in 
the ease, the hymn in question was certainly written in 1530, but not at 
Coburg, or how could the party of the Elector of Saxony have sung it on 
their way to Augsburg? We have given a free translation in another 
place, those who choose can compare it with Mr. Mills' and judge for 
themselves as to the merits of our translation. 

24. The 67th Psalm. 

Es woll* uns Gott gn'adig seyn — original. 
Be merciful O Lord to us ! 

25. The 124th Psalm. 

War Gelt nicht mit uns diese Zeit. 
Should God not at this time be with us. 

26. The 127th Psalm. 

Wohl dem der in Gottesfurcht steht. 

Happy is he who walks with God, or walks in God's fear. 

27. The 130th Psalm. 

Aus tiefer Noth schrei ich zu dir. 
From deep distress to thee I cry 



..XXIII. LUTHER COMPARED WITH CICERO AS AN ORATOR. 

/entura, Scotus and Thomas Aquinas. " Melancthon re- 
grets that there was at that time nothing taught at Erfurt, 
out a logic beset with difficulties ; and expresses the 
Dpinion, that if Luther had met with professors of a dif- 
ferent character, if he had been taught a milder and more 
tfanquilizing philosophy, it might have softened and mode- 
rated the natural vehemence of his character." Perhaps 
it might, but would the same ends have been accomplished? 
We think not. Every thing was then taught in strict con- 
formity with the rules of Aristotle's philosophy. Aristotle 
was looked upon, even by theologians, as the prince of 
reasoners, he was considered a perfect model, no other 
mode of thinking could for a moment be tolerated in any 
seminary of learning. Luther had to study this false sys- 
tem, in order to demolish it, and no man that ever lived 
did more to break down the pagan influence of the mighty 

This hymn and the music both composed by Luther, was sung with 
thrilling effect at his funeral at Halle. This is one of the best hymns 
ever written by any man. We do not like Mr. Mills' translation, it is 
too stiff and unpoetical, and spiritless, the same fault we find with his 
translation of " Em' vestc Burg ist unser Gott." 
QS. Das Deutsch Sanctus. 

Isaia dem Propheten das geschah, 

Dasz er im Geist den Hernn sitzen sah — original. 

29. A hymn for children. 

Erhalt uns Herr bey deinem Wort — original. 

30. Da Pacem Domine. 

Give us thy peace O ! Lord — translated 
Verleih uns Frieden Gnadiglich. 

31. Nun freut euch lieben Christen g* mein. 

Now rejoice dear Christians all. 
To this hymn Luther composed that soul-thrilling music, called Mon- 
piouth in our note books. 

39. A hymn of the Church — original. 

Sie ist mir lieb die werthe Magd. 

4 



LXXIV. LUTHER STUDIES. 1503. 

Stagyrite than Luther, and for this alone the whole literary 
world is under lasting obligations to him. Aristotle was 
studied not in the original Greek, but in Latin, for up to 
this time Luther knew but very little Greek, and had not 
studied Hebrew at all* These languages he afterward 
studied. Luther had excellent opportunities for improving 
his splendid mind ; few men of his age possessed superior 
advantages. He had studied Grammar, German and Latin, 
Geography, History, Rhetoric, Mathematics, Philosophy, 
physical, mental and moral, (such as it was,) Chronology, 
Logic, Music, Poetry and Scholastic Divinity. This em- 
braced nearly every thing that was studied in the fifteenth 
century, and even in the sixteenth, until Luther taught the 
world better. 

He was a hard student, he studied late and early, his 
application was great, and his grasp of intellect immense. 
His memory was so strong, that it is said of him, that he 
retained nearly every thing that he read. His public con- 

33. A funeral hymn — original. 

Mitten wir im Leben sind 
Mit dem Tod umfangen. 

34. The Te Deum laudamus — translated. 

Herr Gott dich loben wir 
Herr Gott wir danken dir. 
Jehovah Lord we praise thee, 
Jehovah Lord we thank thee* 

35. The German Litany. Kyrie Eleeison. 

36. Latina litania correcta. This was a Latin chant of praise. 

37. The celebrated martyr Hymn— original. 

38. Hymnus O lux beata, — translated. 

In all Luther composed and translated about 50 hymns, which was 
about one- fourth of all the hymns then used in the Church, and either 
composed or improved most of the tunes. His hymns and tunes assisted 
vastly in the great work of the Reformation. 



LUTHER FINDS THE BIBLE. LXXV. 

troversies prove this faet, especially his debate with De 
Vio, and Dr. John Eck. He was a great reader, he read 
every thing as it came in his way ; he was in the habit of 
visiting the library of the University almost daily, and ex- 
amining the books it contained. We have no means now 
of ascertaining the number of books the library of the 
University contained, the number was no doubt small, and 
not very valuable at that. It was during one of these visits 
that Luther met with a curious book, he took it down from 
the shelf, and wiped the dust from it. It was a large book 
with a parchment cover, — he opened it, and saw displayed 
in large red letters the words, " Biblia Sacra" the holy 
Bible, a book that he had never seen before, yea he had 
never heard of such a book, although he was then twenty 
years old, and had been a member of the University near- 
ly two years ! He was astonished and delighted to find 
such a treasure, he turned over its pages, and read with 
deep interest and unspeakable joy ! Here we may well 
pause a moment, and inquire can it really be possible that 
Luther had never seen a Bible ? It is even so. The 
Romanists try hard to get out of this difficulty. Dr. 
Spalding, in his review of D'Aubigne's History of the 
Reformation says : " D'Aubigne professes to borrow all 
this fine history from Mathesius, a disciple and ardent and 
credulous admirer of Luther, and from M. Adam, another 
biographer of the roformer. It is a story absurd enough 
in all conscience, and too clumsily contrived even for a 
well digested romance. What ! Are we to believe that 
Luther, at the age of twenty, did not know that there was 



LXXVI. LUTHER FINDS THE BIBLE. 

a Bible, until he chanced to discover one in the library at 
Erfurt? And that he until then piously believed that the 
whole Scriptures were comprised in that choice selection 
of gospels and epistles, read on Sunday and festivals in 
the church service? He, too, a young man of great ta- 
lent and promise, who had successively attended the schools 
of Mansfield, Eisenach and Magdeburg, and had already 
been two years at the University of Erfurt? The thing 
is utterly incredible, (not to Protestants,) and stamped 
with absurdity on its very face. Luther must have been 
singularly stupid, had he remained thus ignorant." We 
would here beg leave to inform Dr. Spalding, and all the 
Roman Catholics in the United States, that Luther him- 
self asserts the fact of his finding the Bible, and of his 
never having seen one before he was twenty years old. It 
is not an invented romance of his biographers. If this 
statement, as made again and again by Luther, is not true 
then no fact in the history of the Reformation can be es- 
tablished. But the fact as stated by Luther, receives con- 
firmation from the state of the papal church before the 
Reformation, as well as from the testimony of Carlstadt 
and Mathesius ; the former says, " I was actually made a 
Doctor of Divinity in the papal church, before I had ever 
seen a Bible." And the latter declares that he never heard 
the Ten Commandments, the Symbols, the Lord's Prayer, 
or Baptism, read from a Roman Catholic pulpit, and he 
was twenty-five years old when he left the papal church. 
It is true a few small and imperfect editions of the Bible 
were oublished in German before Luther's time, for in- 



LUTHER FINDS THE BIBLE. LXXVII. 

stance in 1470 there was an edition printed, another in 
1483, another in 1490. But these editions were very 
small, and not intended for general use. Princes and no- 
blemen, and rich institutions, generally bought up the few 
hundred copies that were printed, and confined them just 
as the one at Erfurt, or the other that was chained at Wir- 
tenberg. The fact is, the Roman Catholic Church cannot 
exist where the Bible is at liberty. Popery and the Bible ! 
— What a contradiction ! 

But to proceed with Luther's discovery of the Bible, 
he opened it at I Samuel, and read the first, second and 
third chapters. How strange, how wonderful ! how sim- 
ple, yet how sublime the narrative. He had read many 
thrilling legends of the saints, and many fine pictures 
drawn by heathen poets, but such a beautiful and touch- 
ing scene he had never seen! It gave an account of Han- 
nah—her son Samuel — his birth and dedication to God. 
It made a deep and powerful impression upon his mind. 
He returned again and again and read in this wonderful 
book; even his beloved Cicero, Plautus and Virgil sink 
into utter insignificance by the side of the Bible. D'Au- 
bigne says: " the Reformation lay hid in that Bible." 
Yes, this is true, that long lost and neglected Book was 
under God, in the hands of Luther, the cause, manner 
and instrument of the glorious and ever-blessed Refor- 
mation ! 

The Bible fell into Luther's hands at a favorable junc- 
ture ; he was then reading law, to gratify his father, and 
had intended to devote himself to the legal profession. 



LXXVIII. LUTHER FINDS THE BIBLE. 

But the finding of the Bible changed his destinies, and the 
destiny of the world. Without this, the world might 
have slumbered on another century. Luther loved the 
Bible, and read it through time and again, and that which 
made him so vastly superior, as a theologian, to all his 
antagonists, was the simple fact, that he was well acquain- 
ted with the Bible, and they were not. Soon after the 
finding of the Bible, Luther became a candidate for the 
first honors of the University, viz. for Bachelor of Arts, 
and in preparing himself for the examination, he applied 
himself so closely, that he brought a severe spell of sick- 
ness upon himself, and during this illness he became an 
awakened sinner. This seems to end his scholastic life. 



CHAPTER IV. 



Luther, the awakened sinner. 

We will now contemplate Luther in his 21st year, as 
an awakened sinner. And in the first place, notice the 
means by which he became awakened; second, the state 
of his mind before his conversion. 

It is a delightful task to trace the mighty workings of 
divine grace upon the sinner's mind from the first moment 
the heart is softened and melted into humble contrition, 
by the truth of God through the Eternal Spirit, — to watch 
the storms and convulsions of the soul, until it passes, 
through faith, into the calm and peaceful enjoyment of the 
light and liberty of the children of God ! As Luther was 
an extraordinary man, every thing connected with him 
was extraordinary, but his conversion. But in order to 
get into the train of moral events, which led to his awak- 
ening, we must retrace our steps a little, and take a rapid 
glance at his religious training. His father and mother 
were pious, and had taught him to pray— they instructed 
him in religion so far as they understood it — they were very 
strict disciplinarians, and seem to have been so far suc- 
cessful in his moral training, as to keep him from the 
grosser vices of his age. Still he had a wicked and cor- 
rupt heart, like all other unrenewed sinners ; he learned 



LXXX. THE PIOUS OLD MONK AT ERFURT 

some religious truths at home, and some at the school in 
Mansfield, where he learned the Commandments and the 
Catechism. At Madgeburg he heard the pious Augustin- 
ian Monk, Proles, preaching against the corruptions of the 
church — no doubt Proles taught the corruptions of the 
human heart, and the necessity of regeneration — -at Eis- 
enach he was in the pious Cotta family, where he, no 
doubt, heard something more about true religion — he then 
found the Bible — he then took sick and expected to die — 
and had no interest in Christ — no hope of heaven. While 
in this state, expecting to be called into the awful presence 
of his Maker, and that too, without an interest in Christ, 
he became dreadfully alarmed! He fasted, and prayed, 
and mourned, and wept, but found no comfort. Those 
that were about him did not understand heart-religion, and 
of course could not enter into his feelings. There was 
one old monk at Erfurt who seems to have known Christ 
by experience, Luther's case was made known to him ; he 
went to see the young man — he understood his case, and 
spoke comfort to his troubled soul — he pointed him to 
Christ as the only Savior. "Be encouraged," says the 
old monk, "my dear Bachelor, you will not die on this 
bed ; God will yet make you a great man, and you shall 
yet comfort many souls, for God sends the cross of afflic- 
tion early upon those whom he loves, and those who are 
patient can learn much here." This simple sentence 
calmed the troubled and desponding mind of Luther. He 
soon after recovered in body and mind. He was not yet 
converted, he was only a little calmed. This was in 1503. 



1505. THE CAUSES OF LUTHER's AWAKENING. LXXXI. 

After his recovery lie resumed his studies with his usual 
diligence, and made rapid progress. Yet his mind was 
not at ease — there was still something wanting. He was 
more attentive to the duties of religion — he prayed more 
fervently, and read more and more in the Bible, and saw 
every day more clearly the importance and necessity of 
heart-religion— he saw more and more the corruptions of 
his depraved nature. He however continued on in his 
studies for two years, i. e. till 1505, when two events oc- 
curred which led more fully to his conversion. 

The first is the murder of his friend Alexis, the second 
the thunder-storm which overtook him. In 1505 Luther 
was made Master of Arts, which honor was at that time 
equivalent to "Doctor of Philosophy," and gave him the 
right to lecture on Philosophy publicly. He availed him- 
self of this right and lectured with applause on Natural 
Philosophy, and the ethics of Aristotle. But the dry sys- 
tem of a poor pagan philosopher, and the heartless no- 
tions of the scholastic divinity, could not satisfy the long- 
ings of his. ardent soul. He wanted other and more spir- 
itual food ! He had already seen and felt himself a sin- 
ner, in the sight of a holy God, and he knew that as such 
he lay under the wrath of an offended Judge. He knew 
too, that he must have a personal interest in the blood of 
Christ or perish eternally ! He was in a state of deep 
mental depression, when an event occurred which alarmed 
him still more. It was this : a young man, by the name 
of Alexis, an intimate friend of his, was murdered in the 
streets of Erfurt; as soon as Luther heard the report, he 



LXXXII. LUTHER BECOMES A MONK. 

ran to the spot, and found that it was true. He became 
much alarmed, and asked himself the question, "what 
would become of me, if I were thus suddenly called 
away ?" After this his convictions of sin increased daily. 
He tells us himself that he " was seized with dreadful 
alarms of conscience, and the terrors of the grave." Lu- 
ther was now studying law, but he soon lost all relish for 
that branch, and no doubt made up his mind to abandon 
it, and prepare himself for the church. During the Sum- 
mer vacation of 1505, he went home (to Mansfield) to 
visit his parents, and perhaps to inform his father of the 
change that had taken place in his mind. But whether he 
and his father had any conversation on the subject, we do 
not know ; Luther has said nothing about it. At the end 
of the vacation he returned to Erfurt, and on his way 
ihither, when he was near the town, he was overtaken by 
a tremendous thunder storm — he endeavored to reach Er- 
furt, but did not succeed before the storm burst in upon 
him in all its terror ! The fierce and terrific storm roared ; 
the loud thunder came peal after peal, and crash after 
crash — and the bolts of heaven seemed to fall thick and 
heavy around him. Luther ran through the raging storm 
in terror and dread until he came near the walls of the 
Augustinian monastery, and overpowered he sank down 
upon his knees, and vowed, if spared, to become a monk ! 
These two events, viz. the assassination of Alexis and 
the thunder storm are often confounded with each other, 
but Melancthon, Mathesius, Selnecker and other early bi- 
ographers, confirm the view we have given. At all events, 



HIS PREVIOUS CONFLICT. LXXXIII. 

these two scenes made a deep impression upon his mind, 
and he became more dreadfully alarmed than ever. The 
question was now extorted from his anxious bosom. 
"What must I do to be saved?" The more he thought 
about his hopeless situation the worse he felt. As is gen- 
erally the case with awakened sinners, Luther went about 
to establish his own righteousness. He must make him- 
self better — he must prepare himself some way or other 
for God's favor — he must perform good works — he must 
mortify the flesh, and thus merit salvation. He longed 
for holiness of heart, and he knew this could only be 
found in Christ. But he had made a vow to become a 
monk ; he will do that — he will leave this wicked and sin- 
ful world, and enter into a monastery, and there in that 
sacred retirement he can surely find rest — there among 
those holy and heavenly-minded men, he can find peace 
for his troubled soul ! He had often read of the piety and 
heavenly-mindedness of hermits and monks — often too, 
when they could find rest no where on earth, they have 
found it within the sacred solitude of a cell. Luther had 
a vivid imagination, and no doubt he pictured to himself in 
strong colors, the nappiness of a monastic life ! 

Poor Luther '. he had yet to learn that true happiness 
flows, not so much from the condition in which we are 
placed, as from the state of mind in which w r e are ! How- 
ever, he determined to become a monk. He can endure 
the agonies of an awakened mind no longer, he will there- 
fore at once enter a monastery. The firm resolve is made ; 
come what will I will become an Augustinian monk. He 



LXXXIV. LUTHER S FIRST IMPRESSIONS 

finds some relief even in this resolution, he is now sure 
of happiness. He did not long consult with flesh and 
blood — his splendid prospects in life — the high and aspir- 
ing hopes of his father, must all be blasted. He looked 
upon the world and all its blushing honors, with contempt! 
He did not communicate his determination to any person. 
He was perhaps fearful that great efforts might be made 
to prevent him from carrying out his resolution, and in 
what he then thought a matter between him and his Ma- 
ker, he did not want to be interfered with. Luther invited 
a number of his most intimate fellow-students to spend an 
evening with him in a social manner, as was then, and is 
still customary in German Universities. His friends came, 
and found Luther as cheerful and lively as ever. The 
evening passes away with great joy and hilarity, till near 
the close, when Luther informs them of his determination 
to become a monk. At first they do not believe him, some 
think he is only jesting. But his firm manner soon con- 
vinces them that he is really in earnest. They then ex- 
postulate and remonstrate, but all to no purpose ; he is 
immovable. It is not probable that he informed them how 
soon he intended to enter the monastery. With sad and 
heavy hearts they separate. The young men to their 
rooms, and Luther is left alone! We may imagine him 
there alone, in the silent and gloomy hour of midnight, 
casting himself upon his knees, and once more taking a 
final adieu of the world! 

He then takes Yirgil and Plautus, no other books, and 
nothing else — he wants nothing to remind him of the 



IN THE CONVENT. LXXXV. 

world. In the dead of the night he goes to the great gate 
of the convent with a firm step — he knocks, and is admit- 
ted. This was on the night of the 17th of July, 1505, 
(not as D'Aubigne says the 17th of August.) Luther was 
then in his 22d year. When the great door had been 
swung shut upon its huge hinges, and the harsh sounds 
had ceased to reverberate through the dark and dismal 
vaults and passages of that ancient pile — when all was 
hushed save the distant echo of the sentinel's measured 
tread, and the violent beatings of his own heart, Luther 
cast himself upon his knees and thanked God for his safe 
deliverance from a wicked and sinful world ! Ah ! thinks 
the young monk, I shall now find rest and peace — that 
sweet tranquillity for which I have sighed so long, will 
surely be found within these sacred walls ! I have now 
left the world, and now I must be happy. But alas ! 
poor deluded monk, thou hast taken thy wicked and un- 
renewed heart, which is the cause of all thy sorrows, with 
thee. Luther did not then know that there was but one 
way of salvation either in the world or the convent, and 
that way was through faith in Jesus Christ. But so it was, 
the great man had to pass through all the moral machinery 
of the religion of Rome, in order to test its efficacy, and 
discovery its insufficiency. If Luther had not done this, 
the advocates of popery would say, he did not understand 
their system. 

Luther learned by sad and painful experience, that man 
is not saved by the deeds of the law, but by faith. 



LXXXVI. LUTHER HAS TO BEG BREAD FOR THE MONKS. 

Next morning the news spread through the University, 
and through all Erfurt, that Martin Luther, the young Doc- 
tor of Philosophy, the most promising and splendid student 
in the University, had become a monk ! Every body was 
astonished — the Professors of the University were mor- 
tified to think that a set of ignorant and beggarly monks 
should make such a fine conquest. 

A number of students repaired to the convent to see 
Luther, but according to the rules of the order, no novitiate 
could be seen for thirty days, all remonstrance and expos- 
tulation were therefore at an end. 

Luther immediately wrote to his father, informing him 
of the important step he had taken. But his father was 
highly displeased with the measure, and wrote an angry 
letter to his son; some say he came on himself to Erfurt 
to reclaim his erring son. He did not become reconciled 
with Martin for several years. 

The monks were of course delighted with the idea of hav- 
ing the most talented young man of the University among 
their number. The young Doctor of Philosophy must 
now be humbled, he must despise not only the world but 
his talents and his learning. He must beg bread for us — 
his pride must be lowered. Thus, those ignorant monks 
were unconsciously preparing Luther for the mighty work 
God designed him to accomplish. As the youngest monk, 
he had to perform all the servile work in the convent. He 
had to sweep the rooms, wind the clock, keep the doors, 
and according to the testimony of Walch, he had even to 
scrub the sewers of the convent ; (Er musste sogar die 



luther's acquaintance with the schoolmen, lxxxvii. 

Kloaken des Klosters ausfegen.) And then when he was 
done with his servile work, he had to take the bag and go 
through Erfurt and beg bread and cheese, and eggs and 
meat, and whatever he could get. If he was slow in 
starting, some well fed and jolly old monk, who was per- 
haps getting hungry, would cry out, " Cum sacco per civi- 
tatem" (with your bag through the city !) 

Luther continued this degrading work until the Profes- 
sors of the University and the citizens generally remon- 
strated with the Prior of the convent, who after some 
time interfered in his behalf and he was treated differently. 
He was permitted to read and study. He turned his first 
attention to the Church Father, and studied with great care 
the works of St. Augustine, (whose name he assumed in 
his new state of existence,) this was the patron saint of 
their order. The reading of St. Augustine, and his par- 
tiality for that good man, may perhaps account for his pe- 
culiar views. In the early part of his life, Luther was 
strong in his Augustinian views, but we shall show the 
reader, in the course of our narrative, that the Great Re- 
former changed his views on the subjects of election, pre- 
destination, and the freedom of the will, long before he 
died. The aptness with which he quoted from the writ- 
ings of St. Augustine, at Marburg and other places, shows 
how carefully he had studied his works. About this time 
he also read the works of William Occam, the great Pa- 
risian doctor, he who stood at the head of the Nominalists. 
He also read Duns, Scotus, Gerson, and Biel, and Thomas 
Aquinas. It was no doubt, whilst reading these authors 



LXXXVIII. LUTHER S AGONY OF SOUL— READS THE BIBLE. 

that Luther became disgusted with the scholastic theology, 
as well as the unmeaning mysticism which grows out of 
it. It must be borne in mind that Luther was an awaken- 
ed sinner, and was now seeking rest and peace for his 
soul. No doubt too, the ignorant monks, who knew 
something of his state of mind, referred him to these 
several authors, as those who could show him the way of 
salvation. But he became convinced that neither the 
fathers, the schoolmen, nor the mystics, could point him to 
happiness and to peace. Their unmeaning jargon could 
not satisfy the honest and truth-seeking soul of the learned 
monk. Still the time he spent in studying the works of 
these schoolmen and mystics, was not lost, it was all turn- 
ed to good account ; for the knowledge he thus gained en- 
abled him more successfully to demolish the whole rotten 
superstructure of Romanism. 

In the library of the convent there was a Bible, but 
strange to state, it was actually chained fast ! This is the 
way Romanism has always treated the Word of God ; it 
either chains it, or burns it, or buries it in a dead language. 
To this chained Bible Luther often resorted, and drank 
from this fountain of eternal truth ! May not this account 
for his disgust with the schoolmen ? 

As he continued reading the Bible, he became more and 
nore interested in its truth. During the last few years in 
he University, he had commenced the study of the Greek 
anguage, he now also commenced the study of the He- 
brew. In reading the Bible, he saw and felt the necessity 
if understanding the languages in which it was originally 



LUTHER TRIES TO MERIT SALVATION. LXXXIX 

written. He read the commentary of Nicholas Lyra, and 
from him got some little insight into the spiritual meaning 
of God's Word. The Bible now seemed more attractive 
than ever. He became so deeply absorbed in studying 
the sacred scriptures, that he neglected the duties of his 
monastic order. For instance, the rules of his order re- 
quired him to say so many "pater nosters" every hour, 
to cross himself so many times in an hour, and to pros- 
trate himself so often in the day before a crucifix, or be- 
fore a picture of the Virgin. Some of these duties he 
had omitted. But he soon became dreadfully alarmed, for 
he was yet a poor deluded papist, and but for him, we 
might all now be just what he was ! His conscience 
lashed him, and he soon returned to his prayers, and all 
the unmeaning ceremonies and duties his superiors imposed 
upon him. He discharged all the duties that were required 
at his hands, in deep sincerity, but all, all was in vain — 
there was no comfort for him. There was a wound in 
his heart that all the mummeries of popery could never 
heal ! There was something wanting, of which as yet, 
he had no idea. The first comfort he found was in a 
work of St. Augustine, called the Spirit and the Letter, 
(De Spiritu et Litera.) From this work he seems to have 
caught the first faint glimmering of that truth which after- 
wards led him to the feet of Christ. 

But his mind was very much perplexed and troubled. 
He now commenced comparing the waitings of the school- 
men with those of the fathers, and with the Bible. This 
was one of the most useful labors of his life : for this more 



XC. LUTHER TRIES TO MERIT SALVATIOM. 

than anything; else opened his eyes to the enormous errors 
of the scholastic divinity. So intent was he upon his 
studies, that he scarcely took time to eat, and it is said 
that at one period he never went to bed for seven weeks in 
succession. The little sleep he got was upon his chair ! 

No poor monk ever labored with more sincerity and 
self-denial. He tried hard to merit salvation, he labored 
faithfully in accordance with the Religion of Rome, but all 
to no purpose. He prayed, he watched, he fasted, he 
mortified his body, and crucified his flesh, until his robust 
frame was worn down to a mere skeleton, and his once 
elastic and sprightly mind became dispirited and crushed ! 
Sad and wan was now that once cheerful and animated 
countenance ! Those once bright and piercing eyes, were 
now buried deep in their sockets — his weary limbs were 
now scarcely able to support his feeble frame ! In the 
beautiful language of the Bible, "his soul was poured out 
like water, and there was no health in his bones. " His 
eyes were filled with weeping, and there was none to wipe 
away his tears! O! how sad his condition; there he 
was shut up in his lonely cell, and there was no eye to 
pity, and no arm to save, at least none that he knew. 
Methinks, that even now, after the lapse of more than 
three hundred years, we can still see the disconsolate 
monk in his cheerless cell at Erfurt, now upon his knees 
before a crucifix saying his prayers, and crossing himself 
most devoutly — now groaning in spirit and calling upon 
the Virgin Mary — now in turn upon all the saints — now 
casting himself upon the cold flags and most piteously be- 



SEES HIS LOST CONDITION. XCI. 

moaning his lost and ruined condition ! Now exclaiming, 
in the deep and torn agony of his wounded heart, " O ! 
wretched man that I am,, who shall deliver me from the 
body of this death." Luther was now fairly under the 
awakening influences of the Spirit of God. 

He now clearly saw his lost and undone condition, but 
knew not yet how to escape the death that never dies. 
Luther in after life frequently refers to this tremendous 
conflict. He says : " I tormented myself almost to death, 
to procure for my troubled heart and agitated conscience, 
peace in the presence of God ; but I was still encompass- 
ed with thick darkness and could find peace nowhere." 
And again he says: "If ever a poor monk entered heaven 
by his monkish merits, certainly I should have obtained 
an admittance there ; all the monks who knew me will 
confirm this, and if it had lasted much longer I should 
have become literally a martyr through watchings, prayers, 
readings and other labors." 

And again, " Though as a monk I was holy and irre- 
proachable, my conscience was still filled with trouble and 
pain. I did not love that holy Being who punishes sin- 
ners. I felt a secret anger against him ; I hated him.' 
Here we see the workings of the carnal mind. D'Au- 
bigne says : " Luther did not find in the tranquility of the 
cloister, the peace he was in quest of. He wanted an as- 
surance that he was saved, this was the great want of his 
soul, without this he could not rest. But the fears that had 
shaken him in the world, pursued him to his cell, nay 
more, they increased there, and the least cry of his con- 



XCII. THE INSUFFICIENCY 

science seemed to resound beneath the vaulted roofs of the 
cloister. God had led him thither, that he might learn to 
know himself, and to despair of his own strength and vir- 
tues. His conscience enlightened by the divine word, 
taught him what it was to be holy, but he was filled with 
terror at finding, neither in his own heart nor in his life, 
the transcript of that holiness which he contemplated with 
astonishment in the word of God. Melancholy dis- 
covery ! and one that is made by every sincere Christian. 
He found no righteousness within, and none in outward 
actions. The more ardent Luther's natural character, the 
more powerful was his secret resistance to that which was 
good, and the deeper did it plunge him into despair." 

Some twenty years afterwards, in explaining the 38th 
Psalm, and 21st verse, Luther seems to refer to his own 
painful experience, where he puts the following language 
into the mouth of the awakened sinner, " Forsake me not, 
oh, Lord my God, be not far from me, for I am desolate, 
alone and forsaken." "God," says Luther, "does not 
receive any but the forsaken — makes none whole but the 
sick — opens the eyes of none but the blind — makes none 
alive but those who are dead — makes none holy but those 
who are sinners — has compassion on none but those who 
feel their wretchedness and misery." When Luther was 
in the heighth of his agony— -when his cup of misery 
seemed to be full even to the brim — and when he appear- 
ed to be rapidly verging into despair, the monks became 
alarmed for his safety. Still they urged him to a more 
rigid performance of his duties — he must pray more- — fast 



1506. OF THE RELIGION OF ROME. XCIII. 

more — do more good works — mortify his body more, and 
thus appease the wrath of God. This was the religion 
of Rome then, it is the same now ; for the boast of Rome 
is "idem semper, ubique," (the same always and every- 
where.) That religion then as now, knew only one remedy 
for sin, and that is, works of satisfaction. Luther himself 
tells us what he did to merit salvation : " I resorted to a 
thousand methods to appease the reproaches of my heart, 
I confessed my sins every day, but all to no purpose." 
With all his popish works, he was getting worse and worse. 
At last he shut himself up in his cell, and refused all in- 
tercourse even with his fellow monks, determined, as his 
Magdeburg biographer says, "to be alone, with himself 
and the sorrows of his heart." Here in this gloomy soli- 
tude, shut out from the whole world, and cut off from all 
human sympathy, he wrestled in dreadful agony alone with 
his God. Melancthon says, " often at this time, when he 
reflected upon the wrath of God, he was so overpowered 
that he became insensible, as though he were dead." This. 
says the same author, "he told me himself." 

Such was the intense agony of his soul, that at length 
his powerful mind, and once vigorous body, were both 
completely overpowered, and he sank down to the floor in 
despair ! The gates of hell gat hold upon him, and the 
deep waters of affliction had gone over his head ! There 
he lay like the smitten oak upon which have fallen the 
bolts of heaven, in dumb and speechless agony ! The 
greater part of the ignorant monks did not understand the 
nature of the mighty struggle that was then agitating Lu- 



XCIV. IN HIS DEEP DISTRESS. 

ther's mind. Some of them even ascribed his condition 
to the influence of the devil ! 

One day Lucas Edenberger, a friend of Luther, came 
to visit him — he had brought some singers with him, per- 
haps he had heard of his distressed state of mind. He 
found the door of the cell shut, Edenberger knocked at the 
door but received no answer, he then looked in at the key 
hole, and saw Luther lying on the ground upon his face. 
He forced open the door, and found him in a state of un- 
consciousness — they could do nothing with him until they 
struck up a familiar tune — the sound of singing soon 
brought him to himself, and he gradually recovered. But 
the sweet sounds of music could only give him a tempo- 
rary relief, he needed something more to satisfy his droop 
ing soul. Still Luther was unconverted, his agony of mind 
unabated, his sins unpardoned. The arrows of the Al- 
mighty, yea the barbed arrows of his truth, had sunk deep 
into the monk's heart, and no cure could be effected until 
they were extracted. As yet the poor distressed monk 
had become acquainted with no one who had experienced 
such a conflict ! About this time, (in 1506,) Luther be- 
came acquainted with the celebrated John Staupitz ; this 
was one of the most important events in the history of his 
life, for it was mainly through this excellent man that he 
became acquainted with the way of life, and it was through 
the same prudent and far-sighted individual, that he was 
brought out of the obscurity of the convent, and that his 
splendid talents were not lost to the world. Staupitz had 
himself passed through the same mental conflict, and that 



JOHN STAUPITZ, FIRST INTERVIEW WITH LUTHER. XCV 

too, like Luther within the walls of an Augustinian con 
vent. John Staupitz was an experienced Christian, a pro- 
found scholar, a sound divine, a gentleman of noble birth, 
and a theologian of high standing in the church and the 
world. But he was too timid ever to become a reformer, 
the glorious reformation of the church was to be the work 
of his more illustrious protege. Staupitz stood high in the 
affection of Frederic, the Elector of Saxony, he was pre- 
sent, as representative of Saxony, at the famous Lateran 
Council, and was at this time Vicar-General of forty Augus- 
tinian convents in Germany. It was during one of his official 
visits, (perhaps in the spring of 1506,) that he became ac- 
quainted with Luther. As soon as he saw the young monk, 
he at once suspected the cause of his emaciated and wan 
countenance — his sunken eye, and his feeble frame — he saw 
in every feature and lineament of his care-worn face evi- 
dences of the deep inward struggle of his soul. He inquired 
into his history and soon became deeply interested in the 
case of the distressed young monk. And well did he know 
how to deal with an awakened sinner. He approached the 
distressed monk in kindness and affection, and gently poured 
the balm of consolation into his wounded soul ! The sweet 
and cheering words of the Vicar-General dropped like the 
dews of heaven upon the troubled heart of Luther. At 
length peace is to be restored to his distressed soul ! Luther 
complained to Staupitz of the wickedness of his heart; 
"When I make a vow," says he, "I cannot keep it on ac- 
count of the wickedness of my heart." "Oh," replied 
Staupitz, "I myself have made thousands of vows, and 



XCVI. RETURN OF CONVICTION. 1500. 

have not been able to keep them; if God will not be 
merciful to me, for Christ's sake, and grant me a happy 
death, I cannot, with all my vows and good works, stand 
before him, — I must certainly perish." "Look," contin- 
ued he, "to the wounds of Jesus, to the blood he shed 
for you, — it is there you can see the mercy of God. In- 
stead, therefore, of punishing yourself for your faults, cast 
yourself into the arms of your Redeemer— trust in him— 
trust in the righteousness of his life — in the expiatory 
sacrifice of his death; do not shrink from him, God is not 
against you, it is you who are averse to him. Listen 
then, to the Son of God, who became man in order that 
he might assure you of the favor of God." "But," says 
Luther, "how can I believe in the favor of God, as long 
as I am not really converted ; must I not be changed before 
he will receive me?" "No," replied Staupitz, "there is 
no true repentance but that which begins in the love of 
God. If you wish to be truly converted, do not practice 
those mortifications and penances, but love him who first 
loved you." No wonder that the Roman Catholics call 
Staupitz a half-way Protestant. If the church of Rome 
generally had held the doctrines of grace, as here taught 
by Staupitz, there would have been no reformation neces- 
sary, at least on that doctrine. 

Luther listened to Staupitz as though he heard a voice 
from heaven ! New light at once bursts into his darkened 
mind, joy springs up in his soul; he is better satisfied, 
but still he is not yet a new creature in Christ Jesus, 
Luther had as vet not what he wanted, an evidence that 



LUTHER S TEMPORARY RELIEF. XCV1T. 

he was a child of God through Christ — he was not yet 
accepted in the Beloved! The storms and tempests, the 
convulsions and mighty thunderings of Mount Sinai had 
subsided, but the melting tones of Calvary had not yet 
thrilled his soul. Still he became more composed, so 
much so, that he resumed his studies. He commenced 
with St. Augustine, and studied him more thoroughly than 
before. He tried again to fathom the profound mysteries 
of the early fathers, and to unravel the intricate subtleties 
of the schoolmen. Staupitz checked him in his fruitless 
labors and made him a present of a Latin Bible, and told 
him to study that. He now commenced the study of the 
Bible in good earnest. He was particularly interested 
with Paul's Epistles to the Romans and the Galatians. 
From these he learned, that although his agony of mind 
was not so great as it had been, yet he was not in a state 
of justification. The passage, "Therefore being justified 
by faith, we have peace with God," seemed to perplex 
him much. He again became alarmed about the safety of 
his soul. Luther had no doubt been under the impression, 
that his sins had been pardoned, when the first transient 
gleam of hope had dawned upon his troubled soul, but 
like thousands since, he afterwards found that he had been 
mistaken. 

About this time he was again taken with a severe ill- 
ness. This was during the second year of his monastic 
life. He became very ill, he was not expected to live, he 
himself thought his days were at an end — he found him- 

Ptlf in the very jaws of death, and that too, without a 

5 



XCVIII. LUTHER S CONVERSION. 

well-grounded hope of heaven! During this illness, all 
his former agonies of mind returned with redoubled pow- 
er — he was ready to sink into despair — there seemed no 
help for him — he seems to have forgotten all the cheering 
and heavenly instructions of Staupitz. When Luther was 
overwhelmed with the dreadful thoughts of his eternal 
ruin, an old monk entered into his cell and addressed him 
kindly, he himself had found comfort from the Creed, and 
he thought he would apply the same simple remedy to the 
afflicted brother. Calling Luther's attention to the Creed, 
he uttered the words, "7 believe in the forgiveness of 
sins," with emphasis and earnestness. "I believe," re- 
peated Luther, " I believe in the forgiveness of sins." " Ah, 
but," exclaims the aged and pious monk, "you must not 
only believe that the sins of David or Hezekiah were for- 
given, but that your sins are forgiven." " The command- 
ment of God," says the old monk, "is that we believe in 
the forgiveness of our sins." " Hear," says the same in- 
dividual, "what St. Bernard of the 12th century says, in 
his sermon on the Annunciation, "the testimony which 
the Holy Ghost applies to thy heart is this, thy sins are 
forgiven thee." Here faith first seemed to spring up in 
Luther's mind; his soul was now happy in Christ! He 
believed, and his sins were forgiven — -it was then that 
God's eternal truth first flashed into his troubled soul! 
He became a new man from that hour. He was saved, 
and as D'Aubigne justly remarks, "he received salvation 
not from Rome, but from Christ himself," and we might 
add, he thenceforward belonged, not to Rome, but to 



XCIX. 

Christ ! Luther's conversion seems to have been calm 
and quiet — there seems to have been nothing boisterous in 
it — he felt happy and joyful in his liberation from sin. 
From his extraordinary convictions, and his deep agony 
of soul, and his subsequent happiness, no one can doubt 
his genuine conversion to God. He could now go on his 
way rejoicing. God had thus led him by a way that he 
knew not, and was training him for a mighty work in af- 
ter years. Luther now read his Bible with pleasure and 
delight. Soon after his happy change Staupitz, in speak- 
ing with him about his tremendous conflict, said, "dear 
Martin, you do not now know how useful these severe trials 
and temptations will be to you ; God did not send these 
soul-afflictions upon you for nothing, you will see that 
God will use you for some great purpose." 

Luther gives us an account of his own conversion in 
his own simple but powerful language. " However blame- 
less a life I might lead as a monk, I experienced a most 
unquiet conscience. I saw myself a vile sinner before 
God. I saw that I could do nothing to appease him, and 
I hated the very idea of a just God that punishes sinners. 
I was well versed in all St. Paul's writings, and in partic- 
ular, I had a most wonderful desire to understand his Epis- 
tle to the Romans. But I was puzzled with the expres 
sion, "Therein is the righteousness of God revealed." 
My heart rose almost against God with a silent sort of 
blasphemy, I said, at least in secret, with great murmur- 
ing and indignation, "was it not enough that wretched 
man, already ruined by the course of original depravity, 
should be oppressed with every species of misery, through 



C. LUTHER S CONVERSION. 

the condemning power of the commandment, but that even 
through the gospel, God should threaten us with his anger 
and justice, and thereby add sorrow to sorrow ? I turned 
the above mentioned passage over and over my desire to 
know Paul's meaning was very great. At length while I 
was meditating day and night on the words, and their 
connexion which immediately follows, viz: 'The just 
shall live by faith,' it pleased God to have pity on me, to 
open my eyes, and show me that the righteousness of 
God which is here said in the gospel to be revealed from 
faith to faith, relates to the method by which God in his 
mercy justifies a sinner through faith, agreeably to what 
is written, 'the just shall live by faith.' Hence I felt 
myself to be a new man, and all the Scriptures appeared 
to have a new face. I ran quickly through them as my 
memory enabled me. I collected together the leading 
terms, and I observed in their meaning a strict analogy 
according to my new views. Thus in many instances 
the work of God, means that he works in us ; and the 
power and wisdom of God mean the power and wisdom 
by which his Spirit operates in the minds of the faithful; and 
in the same manner are to be understood the patience, the 
salvation, and the glory of God. The expression, ' Right- 
eousness of God? now became as sweet to my mind as 
it had before been hateful, and this very passage of Paul 
proved to me the entrance into Paradise." 

Having now followed Luther through the first great con- 
flict, let us next contemplate him as a preacher of the gos- 
pel, and a pious, holy and consistent follower of Jesus 
Christ. 



CHAPTER V 



Luther, the Christian Preacher. 

Thus far we have contemplated Luther in the humble 
sphere of a private individual. True, all the various stages 
and incidents of his hitherto eventful and checkered life, 
had their influence and bearing upon his future destiny. 
We have seen, that the foundations of his moral and in- 
tellectual education were laid deep and broad. This was 
necessary in order to qualify him for the successful pro- 
secution of the great work, which, in the Providence of 
God, was assigned him. We have already had a glimpse 
at the first stages of the great Reformation ; for that Refor- 
mation had its life in Luther's regenerated soul ! His re- 
ligion was his most useful qualification ; for without a deep 
and thorough knowledge of his own heart, and without 
clear and settled views of the plan of salvation, he never 
could have conducted the church of Christ in safety, 
through the convulsions of that stormy period. 

But his splendid talents, and his vast fund of human 
knowledge, were also of great importance; for in the 
mighty conflict Luther had to grapple with all kinds ot 
characters, and all sorts of minds, learned and ignorant, 
talented and stupid. In the hour of her peril Rome hunt- 
ed up her most talented and learned sons, to defend her 
against the vigorous and tremendous attacks of Luther. 



CII. LUTHER, THE CHRISTIAN PREACHER. 

Never had the church of Rome met with such an enemy, 
such an extraordinary man — such a moral and literary 
phenomenon — a man of such talents — such knowledge — 
such aptness to teach — such eloquence — such invincible 
courage — such a memory — why, he could quote for hours 
*he very words of the Prophets, the Apostles — the Church 
Fathers — the Schoolmen— Aristotle — Cicero— the Decre- 
tals, in short, everything seemed to be in his head, and 
at his finger's end. Luther met on the great polemic arena 
of the 16th century, such an array of learning, and elo- 
quence, and sophistry, and worldly power, and impudence, 
as no other man had encountered, and he bravely mowed 
his way through them, and came out victorious. Tetzel, 
Eck, Alexander, Wimpina, Prierias, Hochstraten, De Ro- 
vera, De Vio, Latomus, Henry the VIII, Sir Thomas 
More, and even Erasmus, the great literary giant of the 
day, all these seemed but small and weak in the grasp of 
the sturdy monk. No earthly power could stand before 
him, for with the iron rod of his tremendous and merciless 
eloquence, he would beat down and crush all opposition. 
Let no one think that we put too high an estimate upon 
the learning and eloquence of Luther, the sequel will show 
that he cannot well be overrated. 

We now come to that period of his life, where the 
splendor of his talents begin to appear. Frederic the 
Wise, Elector of Saxony, according to the fashion of those 
days, had founded a new University at Wittenberg in 1502. 
He was determined that this institution should be supplied 
with the best Professors that could be procured. John 



LUTHER, THE PROFESSOR. CIII. 

Von Staupitz, as we have stated above, was one of the 
most accomplished and learned theologians in Germany, 
and stood high in the affections of the Elector. As the 
Elector had every confidence in Staupitz, he entrusted 
him with the important business of selecting Professors 
for his new University. And how well he succeeded in 
carrying out the designs of his Prince, is well known to 
the world. Such a brilliant constellation of learning, gen- 
ius and piety, as he brought together at Wittenberg, the 
world had never seen. Luther had learning and talent 
enough himself to confer immortal celebrity upon any in- 
stitution in the world. Staupitz, as Vicar-General of the 
Augustinians, was well acquainted with Luther, he knew 
the depth of his piety, the extent of his attainments, and 
the splendor of his talents. He therefore selected him as 
Professor of Mental and Nat. Philosophy, (Weltweisheit, 
und Natmiehre.) Luther felt it his duty to accept the ap- 
pointment, and immediately repaired to the scene of his 
future labors. In October 1508, in the 25th year of his 
age, Luther commenced his splendid career as a public 
teacher at Wittenberg. At Wittenberg he took up his 
abode in the Augustinian Convent, for although he was now 
a Professor in the University, he did not cease to be a 
monk; and according to the religion of Rome, he could 
never cease to be a monk. The first duty assigned him, 
was to read lectures on the Dialectics of Aristotle. His 
lectures soon attracted attention. It was perhaps during 
the first year of his residence at Wittenberg, that the vig- 
orous mind of the young Saxon monk, commenced to 



CIV. LUTHER S LECTURES. 

grapple with the false philosophy of the mighty Stagyrite, 
whose erroneous system had swayed the minds of the 
whole civilized world for nearly 2000 years. Luther first 
broke the spell that had so long held the human mind in 
bondage. If Luther had never done anything more than 
liberate the christian mind from a pagan system of phi- 
losophy he would be fully entitled to the gratitude of all 
Christendom. It is a pity, that none of his early lectures 
on Aristotle were preserved, we might see from them by 
what mode of ratiocination he proved the system of the 
famous Stagyrite wrong, and why he rejected his whole 
work. Luther soon got tired of lecturing on pagan philos- 
ophy ; although as a lecturer he soon became very popular 
and attracted much attention, his lecture room was always 
crowded, but still he was not in his proper element. This 
will appear from a letter he addressed to his old friend, 
John Braun, vicar of Eisenach in 1509. 

"I am, by the grace of God, quite well and pleasantly 
situated, with the exception that the study of philosophy 
is exceedingly irksome to me, and from the beginning I 
was anxious to exchange it for theology ; I mean that the- 
ology which penetrates into the kernel of the nut, the sub- 
stance of the wheat, and the marrow of the bones. But 
God is God ;" Luther's desire was soon gratified, he was 
appointed Professor of Biblical Theology in March 1509. 
He was now in his proper element, he now had time to 
study his beloved Bible. His lectures on the Psalms and 
he Epistles to the Romans, were received with great ap- 
plause. In his lectures he followed no master but his 



LUTHER S LECTURES. CV. 

Savior, adopted no rules but those suggested by his own 
judgment. His fame soon spread — students, professors, 
citizens and strangers all flocked to hear the lectures of 
this extraordinary young man. Dr. Pollich who attended 
his lectures was so struck with one of his lectures on the 
Psalms, that he made the following remark, " this monk 
will put all Doctors to the rout, he will introduce a new 
style of doctrine, and will reform the whole church ; for he 
builds upon the word of Christ, and no one in the world 
can either resist or overthrow that word, though it should be 
attacked by all the weapons of philosophers, Sophists, 
Scotists, Albertists, and Thomists." And how correct the 
prediction ! Luther's fame spread far and wide, and soon 
students from all parts of Saxony, began to flock towards 
Wittenberg. Luther studied hard, he was at it late and 
early. And every lecture he delivered was more interest- 
ing than its predecessor — his fearless and independent 
manner, his eloquence, and above all the truth he taught, 
won for him the admiration of all who heard him. 

In 1509, Luther became Bachelor of Divinity, he still 
continued to lecture with great applause. When his re- 
putation was established as a public lecturer, Staupitz 
encouraged him to become a preacher, in the proper sense 
of that term. But being naturally, or perhaps by his edu- 
cation timid, he for a long time refused, until at last being 
overcome by the arguments and solicitations of his friend 
and patron, he reluctantly consented. Luther, like most 
great men, had as yet no idea of his own tremendous 
powers. He commenced republishing the gospel of 



CVI. LUTHER PREACHES THE GOSPEL IN WITTENBERG. 

Christ, in a small wooden church that stood in the centre 
of the square in Wittenberg. His preaching produced 
powerful effects, the people in Wittenberg had never heard 
such preaching before — his manner, — his doctrines, — his 
jarnestness, were all different from those of other preachers. 
3 very body was anxious to hear him, and the little church 
vhich was only 20 by 30 feet, soon became too small to 
accommodate his hearers. No wonder the people were 
interested in his preaching, for the religion he preached 
was deeply imbedded in, and interwoven with, his very 
soul — his words flowed from his lips, and fell upon the 
hearts of his hearers like peals of thunder. In a short 
time he was elected town-preacher, and then he had a 
wider range for his pulpit talents. As a preacher, take 
him all in all, Luther never had a superior, and perhaps 
never an equal. His voice was manly and sweet, he could 
raise it or lower it at will, his elocution was faultless — his 
gestures were easy and graceful — his cadences were natu- 
ral — his powers of conception were rapid — his imagina- 
tion vivid— his knowledge of human nature almost in- 
tuitive, and his knowledge of his subject almost perfect; 
add to this a deep pathos and an overwhelming flow of 
feeling, and an eye that would reach into the very soul of 
his hearer, and you have the finished orator! Nature and 
art had combined their efforts, and made Martin Luther the 
greatest orator of ancient or modern days. 

But in order to show the reader that this is not a mere 
fancy sketch, we will here adduce the testimony of others, 
and of those too, who cannot be accused of partiality to 



LUTHER AS AN ORATOR UNSURPASSED. CVTI. 

the great reformer. All Luther's personal freinds and co- 
temporaries unite in declaring that his eloquence far sur- 
passed all other orators of his age, and that it was equal if 
not superior to that of Greece and Rome in the days of 
Demosthenes and Cicero. And indeed some of his pro- 
ductions will compare advantageously with the orations of 
those two most eloquent men of all antiquity. And judg- 
ing from the effects of his preaching, we mean the im- 
mediate — instantaneous effects, he was certainly superior to 
either. Neither the eloquence of Demosthenes nor Cicero, 
ever produced such striking effects, as Luther's at Witten- 
berg; after his return from Wartburg, when fanaticism, 
under Carlstadt and others, had thrown the whole city into 
confusion, in one week's time Luther had restored peace 
and order ! D'Aubigne says, " His expressive counte- 
nance and dignified demeanor, his clear and sonorous 
voice charmed his hearers. The deep seriousness that 
marked the preaching of Luther, and the joy with which 
the knowledge of the gospel filled his own heart, gave to 
his eloquence an authority, energy and unction, which 
none of his predecessors had possessed." Frederick von 
Schlegel, an apostate Lutheran, and now universally ac- 
knowledged the most learned man in the Roman Catholic 
church, says : •' Luther's eloquence was surpassed by few 
names, in the whole history of literature. He had indeed 
all those properties, which render a man fit to be a revolu- 
tionary orator. This revolutionary eloquence, is mani- 
fested not only in his half political and business writings, 
such as his address to the nobility of the German nation, 



CVIII. LUTHER THE ORATOR. 

but in all his works. In almost all his works, we perceive 
the marks of a mighty internal conflict. Two worlds ap- 
pear to be contending for the mastery over the mighty soul 
of this man, so highly favored of God and nature." 

And as to his intellectual greatness, says the same Ro- 
man Catholic author, "I think there are few even of his 
own disciples who appreciate him highly enough. It was 
i<pon Luther and his soul, that the fate of Europe depend- 
ed—he was the man of his age, and of his nation." This 
$ a noble testimony to the merits of an enemy, and stamps 
Sehlegel, with all his hankering after the honors of Rome, 
as a great man, and a correct thinker. The great bishop 
Bossuet, who was himself a splendid orator says, " Luther 
had a lively and impetuous eloquence, which delighted and 
captivated his hearers." 

And Lewis Maimbourg, a Jesuit, who ransacked every 
nook and corner of Germany, and carefully and malicious- 
ly gathered up every legendary falsehood he could hear 
from ignorant and prejudiced Roman Catholics, and then 
published all this trash as authentic truth, even he is com- 
pelled to admit, and the admission seems to be extorted re- 
luctantly, that " Luther possessed a quick and penetrat- 
ing genius, his eyes were piercing and full of fire, his 
voice was sweet and vehement when once fairly raised." 
knd J. M. V. Audin, a modern French Jesuit, whom Prof. 
Stowe, a few years since met in Germany, on the same 
malicious mission that had taken Maimbourg all over Ger- 
many, after all his misrepresentation is compelled to say, 
" Luther was the great preacher of the Reformation, he 



LUTHER THE ORATOR. CIX. 

possessed almost all the qualities of a great orator ; an ex- 
haustless store of thought, an imagination as ready to re- 
ceive as to convey its impressions, and an inconceivable 
fluency and a suppleness of style. His voice was clear 
and sonorous, his eyes beamed with fire, his head was of 
the antique cast, his hands were beautiful, and his gestures 
graceful and abounding." And Florimond Raymond, a 
bitter enemy of all Protestants, says, "Luther was gifted 
with a ready and lively intelligence, having a retentive 
memory and speaking his mother-tongue with remarkable 
fluency, he was surpassed in eloquence by none of his co- 
temporaries. Addressing his hearers from the pulpit, as 
if he had been agitated by some powerful passion, and 
suiting his action to his words, he affected their minds in a 
surprising manner, and carried them like a torrent whither- 
soever he -would." 

Keil, one of his admirers, says, " He had a clear lively 
countenance, and the eye of an eagle, his person was 
handsome, he was a sociable, amiable, sincere, hospitable, 
good-humored man, temperate in all things. As soon as 
he was asked the meaning of a passage in the Scriptures, 
he was ready with a reply — when he was asked for ad- 
vice, it was soon felt who was the counsellor." 

Mosellanus says, "in 1519, Luther was s-o lean in con- 
sequence of hard study, that nearly all his bones could be 
counted. His learning and acquaintance with the Holy 
Scriptures are incomparable. He never fails for matter in 
speaking, but has an uncommon fund of subjects and words 



CX. LUTHER VISITS ROME. 1510 

always ready." Mosellanus was a cotemporary with Lu- 
ther and knew him well. 

In controversy Luther gave no quarters, no field of ac- 
tion seemed to suit him better, he loved controversy, and 
his great controversial powers fitted him as much as any 
thing else, for the great work of the Reformation. No 
Avonder that with such powers he attracted great attention 
even before the Reformation. He preached Christ and 
him crucified from his inmost soul. 

In 1510, (some say 1511,) Staupitz sent Luther to the 
city of Rome, to settle some difficulties between some 
contending monasteries in Germany. Luther was highly 
delighted with the idea of seeing the holy city. In com 
pany of an Italian monk he started for the eternal city. In 
the neighborhood of Padua, they stopt in a monastery of 
Benedictine monks, the convent was rich and they were 
hospitably entertained. The monks were a set of jolly 
fellows, who loved good living more than religion. Luther 
was amazed when he found them eating meat on Friday, 
and disregarding all the rules of the order — he found also 
many women about the establishment, and from the plump 
red faces, and the gouty feet of the inmates, he suspected 
that they were " lovers of pleasure, more than lovers of 
God." One night particularly they had a sumptuous feast, 
the long tables groaned under the weight of the choicest 
viands, the wine sparkled in the glasses, and the whole 
brotherhood were rioting in luxury ! Luther's soul sank 
within him when he saw this, for he had expected to find 
more piety in Italy than he had^ ever seen in Germany. 



LUTHER VISITS ROME. CXI. 

Luther in the honesty of his soul undertook to remonstrate 
with the monks, but at first they only laughed at him for 
what they considered his rustic simplicity. But when he 
continued to reproach them for their wickedness they be- 
came highly offended, and when he threatened to inform 
upon them, it is said they actually attempted to poison him. 
Early next morning he left the sinful brotherhood in dis- 
gust. He was now exceedingly anxious to see the Holy 
City, expecting to find a better state of things there. On 
the fourth day after they left the gluttonous monastery, Lu- 
ther had the great pleasure of getting the first glimpse of the 
Eternal City — he was much excited, and cast himself upon 
the earth exclaiming, " Holy City I salute thee !" and then 
commenced singing a hymn to the Virgin Mary, and when 
he entered the city his heart leapt for joy. Poor de- 
luded monk, thy vision of joy will soon pass away ! Lu- 
ther expected the very atmosphere of Rome to be holy, 
but alas ! he was doomed to sad disappointment. He 
found little piety among the common people, less among 
the clergy, and still less among the higher dignitaries of 
the church. He found such a want of common serious- 
ness — such levity — such profanity, as shocked his very 
soul ! Luther had a soul that could admire the stupend- 
ous works of art, but he had no taste for its wickedness. 
He found, that Rome manufactured religion for other na- 
tions, and used none herself. In after life he said, " he 
would not take a thousand dollars for his visit to Rome." 
He visited all the holy places, and like a good papist, at- 
tended to all the foolish ceremonies that were required. 



CXII. LUTHER, TRULY CONVERTED AT ROME. 1511 

One day he undertook to crawl upon his knees up Pilate's 
staircase, which was reported to have been miraculously 
transported from Jerusalem to Rome, but while he was 
climbing those steps, he thought he heard a voice like thun- 
der speaking from the depth of his heart, " the just shall 
live by faith;" he started up from his knees heartily 
ashamed of the degradation to which his superstition had 
led him. D'Aubigne says, "this powerful text had a 
mysterious influence on the life of Luther. It was by 
means of that word, that God then said, "Let there be 
light, and there was light." Luther had often studied the 
Epistle to the Romans, and yet never had justification by 
faith, as there taught, appeared so clear to him. He now 
understood that righteousness which alone can stand in the 
sight of God ; he was now partaker of that perfect obedi- 
ence of Christ which God imputes freely to the sinner, as 
he looks in humility to the God-man crucified. This was 
the decisive epoch in the inward life of Luther. That 
faith which had saved him from the fear of death, became 
thenceforward the soul of his theology ; a strong hold in 
every danger, giving power to his preaching, and strength 
to his charity, constituting a ground of peace, a motive to 
service, and a consolation in life and death. 

But this great doctrine of salvation which proceeds from 
God and not from man, was not only the power of God 
unto salvation to Luther, it also became the power of God 
to reform the church. It was the same weapon which the 
Apostles of Christ had once wielded, and now, after long 
disuse, it was drawn forth in its original brightness from 



LUTHER TRULY CONVERTED AT ROME. CXIII. 

the arsenal of Almighty God ! At the moment when Lu- 
ther started up from his knees from Pilate's staircase, trans- 
ported with emotion at the word which St. Paul had ad- 
dressed to the inhabitants of Rome, the truth, hitherto held 
captive and fettered in the church, stood up also to fall no 
more." Luther himself says, "But when by the spirit 
of God I understood these words— when I learned how 
the justification of the sinner proceeds from God's mere 
mercy by the way of faith — then I felt myself born again 
as a new man, and I entered by an opened door into the 
paradise of God. From that hour I saw the precious and 
Holy Scriptures with new eyes. This text was to me the 
very gate of heaven." It is indeed remarkable, that in the 
providence of God, Luther had to go to Rome, even to that 
wicked and corrupted city on seven hills — the mystical 
Babylon of Scripture, to learn fully and clearly, the doc- 
trine of justification by faith, but so it was. Even the 
superstitions of Rome contributed to the glory of God in 
the liberation of Luther, and through him in the emanci- 
pation of the church ! Luther was perhaps the first man 
who came down from Pilate's staircase justified ! 

When he said mass with a becoming solemnity, the 
Italian priests cried out with impatience, " Hurry, hurry, 
send our Holy Mother her son back quickly," thus pro- 
fanely alluding to Transubstantiation. And when he heard 
the light-minded and profane, and even obsene conversa- 
tion of the Roman priests, he was surprised beyond mea- 
sure Can this, thought he, be Rome, surely the Holy 
Father knows nothing of all this wickedness ! Oh, thought 



CXIt r . 

he, the great sanctity of the pope will cover all the sins of 
the priests. Luther had not yet seen the pope, for his ho- 
liness was absent from Rome when the German monk en- 
tered it. And where was he, was he out on a mission of 
mercy — like his professed Master was he going about do- 
ing good to the souls and bodies of men ? No, he was out 
in the field of battle, teaching the poor duke of Farrara t 
by " apostolic blows and knocks," to respect the peaceful 
religion of Christ. The chair of St. Peter was then oc- 
cupied by the warlike Julius II., a man destitute of all 
piety and virtue. Luther was present at the triumphal 
procession of pope Julius II., after he had conquered the 
duke of Farrara in 1511. An immense concourse of peo- 
ple had gathered to see the military pope ; when Luther 
saw him in his iron coat of mail, his waving plume, and 
surrounded by his armed cardinals and warlike priests, he 
looked on with astonishment, then turned away in disgust 
exclaiming, " Alas ! alas ! this pope cannot be the Vice- 
gerent of Jesus Christ." 

Luther spent about a month in Rome, and when he left 
he was fully convinced that it was any thing else than a 
holy city. No doubt his visit to Rome had an important 
influence upon his whole subsequent life — for having lost 
his respect and veneration for Rome and her priests, he 
was prepared more fearlessly to examine the high preten- 
sions of the pope. He returned to Wittenberg, and re- 
sumed the duties of his office. 

Nothing of importance transpired for sometime, unless 
it be the fact that Luther was made Doctor of Divinity in 



1512. LUTHER SEES THE ERRORS OF THE SCHOOLMAN. CXV 

1512, by Carlstadt, who was then Dean of the University 
of Wittenberg. Luther was made a Doctor by the urgent 
solicitations of his friend Staupitz — the Elector of Saxony 
himself defrayed the expenses.. He was not made Doctor 
of Sentences, but Doctor of the Bible. 

On being made Doctor he had to take the following oath, 
viz : "I do swear to the utmost of my ability, that I will 
defend the gospel as long as I live." How well he lived 
up to this oath, will be made to appear in the sequel. 

In relation to his doctorate, he said in after life : " I, 
Doctor Martin Luther, was constrained to become a doc- 
tor. The papacy endeavored to spot me in the discharge 
of my duty, but you see what has happened to it, and 
worse things shall yet befall it. For by the help of God, 
I am resolved to press on, to force a passage through, and 
to trample dragons and vipers under foot." 

Luther was now a Doctor, he had sworn to defend the 
Bible against all errorists whatever. He soon saw that 
Aristotle, and Thomas Aquinas, and the Bible could not all 
reign at once ; he plainly saw that if ever the Bible was 
to govern the religious opinions of mankind, the pagan 
philosophy and the scholastic divinity of these ruling 
spirits, must be crushed together. Aristotle ruled the 
minds of all civilized nations in the department of dialec- 
tics, and Aquinas in theology. Luther saw that the influ- 
ence of these authors must be destroyed, and that the 
prophets and apostles of the Bible must occupy their 
places. 

He spoke of these authors in a manner that at once 



€XVI. EFFECTS OF HIS PREACHING. 

showed his doubts as to their infallibility, and soon met 
with the opposition of some of his fellow monks, who 
were great admirers of Aristotle and Aquinas. In a 
letter to his old friend, John Lange, of Erfurt, he says : 

" Aristotle and the Theologians of the Sentences consti- 
tute the unprofitable study of this age, I desire nothing 
more than to lay open before all eyes this false system 
which has deceived the church, by covering itself with a 
Greek mask, and to expose its worthlessless before the 
world. The writings of the prophets and apostles," says 
he, in another place, " are more certain and sublime than 
all the sophisms and theology of the schools." 

Luther was constantly engaged in the great work of ren- 
dering the systems of Aristotle and Aquinas unpopular, 
and exalting the word of God. He showed his students 
that the great business of a rational and immortal mind, 
was not only to be able to lay down a major and minor 
proposition with logical precision, or to make error appear 
as truth by a system of technicalities, then miscalled logic, 
or to find out how many devils could dance at once upon 
the point of a needle ! — or whether the devil could walk 
over burning coals barefooted without scorching his feet ! 
— he taught that the deathless mind ought to be occupied 
in nobler studies. And he soon succeeded in convincing 
them that he was right. Aristotle began to sink, and 
Aquinas lost his hold upon the affections of the thinking 
community. In the early part of the year 1517, Luther 
saw these false systems so far destroyed, that he could say, 
" Aristotle is on the wane, he even now is tottering, — the 



EFFECTS OF HIS PREACHING. CXVII. 

lectures on the Sentences, (i. e. on Thomas Aquinas,) are 
received with distaste, — no professor can hope for hearers 
unless he teach the scriptural theology." This was cer- 
tainly going ahead pretty rapidly. He now lectured and 
preached almost constantly. His lectures and sermons 
were all full of the spirit of the Bible. The Bible was 
everything to Luther — he was a Bible preacher most em- 
phatically — his beloved Bible, as he calls it, was his ruling 
passion — with his Bible he could prostrate all his enemies. 
In his preaching, Luther differed vastly from all his cotem- 
poraries, yea, and all his predecessors, for at least a thous- 
and years. He imitated no man either in style or man- 
ner, he had no model, and he needed none. 

Nor was his preaching in vain ; it took effect upon the 
minds and hearts of many, both students and citizens. 
Many souls were awakened to the importance of eternal 
things, even before the Reformation properly commenced. 

In 1515, Luther became acquainted with George Spala- 
fin, court preacher of the Elector of Saxony, to whom he 
recommended the reading of John Taulerus, a celebrated 
Dominican, with whose writings he himself was much 
pleased, especially his work on homiletics. Bartholomew 
Bernhard, of Feldkirchen, a splendid young man, then 
Professor of Aristotle's physics, was among the first to 
receive Luther's views. Luther put forth some Theses in 
the name of Feldkirchen, on the ability of the sinner to 
obey the law, and the freedom of the will. In 1516, there 
was a public disputation at Wittenberg, under Luther's 



CXVIII. PRESS OF BUSINESS. 

eye, between Feldkirchen and Carlstadt, that produced 
a good deal of excitement. 

The great church at Wittenberg, called "All Saints," had 
just been completed, it was to be a kind of Roman Catho- 
lic Pantheon as its name indicates ; the elector wished to 
have it filled with all manner of holy things. Staupitz 
was sent to the Netherlands to gather up all kinds of things 
in that line. During his absence Luther acted as Vicar- 
General — he had to visit as many of the Augustinian 
monasteries in Thuringia and Misnia as he could. Luther 
exhorted the monks every where to read the Bible, and 
look to Jesus Christ for salvation. This visit had its 
effect upon Luther's mind, it convinced him of the neces- 
sity of a different state of things, and it made him per- 
sonally acquainted with many of the Augustinian monks ; 
and nearly all the little piety then in the church was found 
amongst them. Luther gained the affections of nearly 
all, and when the Reformation did take place these very 
monks were among the first to rally around their beloved 
Doctor. Hence this visitation seems to have been one of 
the links in the great chain of events, in the Providence of 
God, which led to the overthrow of error and superstition. 

When Luther returned he resumed his labors, as lec- 
turer and confessor and preacher and Vicar-General — he 
gives us an account of his labors in his own graphic man- 
ner, " I require continually two secretaries, for I do scarce- 
ly any thing else all day than write letters ; I am preacher 
to the convent, reader of prayers at table, pastor and 
parish minister, director of studies, Vicar of the Priory 



1516. LUTHER AT WITTENBERG DURING THE PLAGUE. CXIX. 

(that is to say Prior ten times over,) inspector of the fish 
ponds of Litzkau, counsel to the inns of Herzberg at 
Torgau, lecturer on St. Paul, and commentator of the 
Psalms! I have scarcely time to say my prayers, or to 
sing an hymn of devotion, not to mention my struggles 
with flesh and blood, the devil and the world." This is 
part of a letter to his old friend Lange dated October 26th, 
1516. What must have been his labors after the Refor- 
mation had actually commenced ! 

About this time, i. e. the fall of 1516, the plague broke 
out in Wittenberg. The whole city was in consternation, 
most of the professors and students, and many of the citi- 
zens left the city. Luther stood firm, and attended to his 
duties — his confidence in God was so great, that although 
his friends urged him to flee, he refused ; his motto was let 
come to pass what will " God is God." It seems that he 
was then, in 1516, writing his commentary of Paul's Epis- 
tle to the Galatians, one of his most celebrated and useful 
works ; a work that has been more extensively circulated 
in England and America, than perhaps any other of his 
works. When his friend Lange, the Prior of the Augus- 
tinian convent, urged him to leave Wittenberg in conse- 
quence of the plague, he wrote thus to him : " I do not 
know whether the plague will suffer me to finish (my com- 
ment) on the Epistle to the Galatians. Quick and sudden 
in its attacks, it makes great havoc, especially among the 
young. You advise me to flee — but whither shall I flee ? 
I hope the world will not go to pieces if brother Martin 
should fall. If the plague spreads, I will send the breth- 



OXX. LUTHER PREACHES BEFORE DUKE GEORGE. 1517. 

ren away, in all directions, but for my part, I am placed 
here ; obedience does not allow me to leave the spot, until 
he who called me hither, shall call me away." Luther 
never expected that this letter, which he dates from a cor- 
ner in the convent at Wittenberg, October 26th, 1516, 
would go forth to the ends of the earth, and show the 
world how strong and unshaken his confidence was in God. 
Yet the Roman Catholics say, Luther was only courageous 
where there was no danger ! Shame on such base vilifiers 
of the mighty dead I 

In July, 1517, Duke George of Saxony, requested Stau- 
pitz to send him an eloquent and learned preacher. Stau- 
pitz knew of none more eloquent and learned than Luther, 
and of course sent him with the highest recommendations 
to that prince. Luther preached at Dresden before duke 
George and his court, on the 25th of July. His text was 
Matthew x. 20 — 29. His theme was the unreasonable 
desires and prayers of men, and the assurance of salvation. 
Luther as usual preached the truth, as it is in Christ. Duke 
George became highly offended, and from that day became 
an inveterate enemy to Luther. But the word was blest 
to the salvation of a noble lady, Madam de la Sale, con- 
nected with the court, who died a month afterward rejoic- 
ing in hope of the glory of God in Christ Jesus. Emser, 
the duke's secretary, invited Luther to supper in the Ducal 
palace — Luther went and found a large number of persons 
present. He was soon attacked by a Master of Arts from 
Leipsic. Luther never turned his back to an enemy or a 
friend — -the debate was opened— the Leipsic master lost his 



DR. JOHN ECK. CXXI. 

temper, and when Luther cornered him, he said, " Da pas- 
tum," i. e. give me my fees as a teacher, and I will in- 
struct you. At this ridiculous reply, says Luther, " We 
all laughed outright and separated. During the debate a 
Dominican monk listened at the door, and afterwards de- 
clared that he wanted to spit into Luther's face, but was 
restrained by the presence of so many noble persons. 
Luther returned to Wittenberg and resumed his arduous 
labors. Sometime after his return from Dresden, Luther 
put up 95 (he seems to have been fond of that number,) 
Theses on the freedom of the will. These Theses were 
founded on the Word of God, and of course could not be 
refuted. He sent them to Erfurt, and writes to his friend 
Lange, " Tell the faculty of Theology and all others, that 
I am ready to come among you and publicly maintain 
these propositions, either in the University or in the mon- 
astery." There was no man at Erfurt who felt himself able 
to cope with Luther. 

Luther next sent those Theses to Dr. John Eck, whom 
he at that time highly esteemed, and who was one of the 
most learned and eloquent men of his age. But at that 
time Luther could not draw his friend out in debate. Eck 
was evidently not afraid of Luther, for afterwards these 
two Doctors fought many a hard battle. Eck was perhaps 
the most learned and adroit public debater that Luther ever 
had to encounter. 

We have now followed Luther up to 1517, and have 
given a condensed view of all he did up to that period, 
much more of course might have been said and has been 



CXXII. DR. JOHN ECK. 

said by others. But in what has been said, the reader will 
see how God prepared Luther for the great Reformation-— 
every incident in his eventful life seems to have been 
necessary to qualify him for the great contest. We will 
now contemplate him as the Reformer. 



CHAPTER VI. 



Luther, the Reformer. The commencement of the Re- 
formation. 

Luther, as we have seen was busily engaged in the dis- 
charge of his several duties, as professor and preacher at 
Wittenberg. He well knew that there were many and 
grievous errors in the church — he knew that most of the 
priests were ignorant and vicious, and that the mass of the 
people were corrupted, but like hundreds of others before 
him he thought these were evils that could not be remedi- 
ed — he thought them like thunder-storms unavoidable, and 
necessary evils. 

He was a pious, a learned and an honest man, and en- 
deavored in his sphere to do good to his fellow men, and 
to glorify God. He had experienced the sanctifying pow- 
er of divine grace in his own soul, and being constrained 
by the love of Christ, he did all he could to lead others to 
that Savior, whom he had found. Luther up to this 
period had no idea of becoming a reformer, the church 
with all her errors seemed good enough for him. He had 
no idea, that there could be any church without a Pope. 
The Pope and the church seemed to him then, as it does 
now to thousands, one and inseparable. The church was 
at this time deeply corrupted, yes, rotten to her very core, 



CXXIV. LEO X. 

as the reader has seen in the first chapter of this work. 
Frequent attempts had been made to reform her errors in 
doctrine and practice, but all efforts seemed entirely use- 
less. The church got worse and worse from age to age. 
When honest, pious and conscientious members of the 
church had the moral courage to express their sentiments 
freely, the scaffold, or the stake, or at least the dungeon 
would soon end the dispute. Luther knew all this, and 
therefore he never dreamed of falling out with the church. 

Leo X., was Pope at this time, he was of an illustrious 
family, a friend of science, and a patron of the fine arts, 
but seemed to concern himself very little about religion — 
indeed he seems to have been quite a decent Pope com- 
pared with many of his predecessors. One of his own 
church says, " he never troubled himself about religion. 
There seemed to be peace and harmony throughout the 
whole church., Leo was slumbering at the head of the 
church, more intent upon improving the drama and the 
music of Italy, than his own morals, and those of his 
priests. The Pope was very extravagant and prodigal, he 
gave freely to all his friends and especially his relations, 
and needed much money to defray the expenses of his 
court, which was one of the most splendid in Europe ! 

The Pope in order to raise funds, published a bull pro- 
claiming a general indulgence to all who would pay money 
for the completion of St. Peter's church at Rome. This 
was however only a pretext to raise money. This was 
Hot the first time the Roman Pontiffs raised money in 
this way ; Urban II., in the eleventh century, first found 



INDULGENCES THEIR ORIGIN. CXXV. 

out this means of raising funds for the Roman See. The 
theory of the Roman Catholic church on this subject, is 
very ingenious and plausible, provided we admit certain 
absurd and unbiblical positions. According to the Papal 
theory, all the good works of the saints, over and above 
those necessary for their salvation, are deposited together 
with the infinite merits of Jesus Christ in one inexhausti- 
ble treasury. The keys of this treasury were committed 
to St. Peter and to his successors the Popes forever, either 
of whom may open it when he pleases, and by transfer- 
ring a portion of this merit to any person, who pays a sum 
of money, may convey to him the pardon of his own sins, 
or a release for any one, in whom he may feel interested 
from the pains of purgatory. And be it remembered, 
that this is still the doctrine of the papal church ; for 
she is "idem semper ubique," and has never revoked this, 
nor any other doctrine, however absurd, which she held 
at any period of her history. 

Leo X. was in need of large sums of money, and by 
the advice of his cardinals, he betook himself to this fund. 
Germany was farmed out to Albert, Archbishop of Mentz. 
John Tetzel, a Dominican Monk of Leipsic, a bold, dar- 
ing, vicious and impudent old scoundrel, was engaged by 
the Archbishop to sell these indulgences. Tetzel was the 
very man to engage in such a mean business. He was 
upwards of sixty years old, a large, stout, portly looking 
fellow, and although over three score years of age, his age 
had made no alteration upon his plump and rubicund, 
sleek and pampered face. His voice, we are told, was 



;XXVI. JOHN TETZEL. 

strong and silvery, and he was fluent, and possessed con- 
siderable genius for inventing strange and unheard of stories. 
As for conscience, he had none, and was entirely destitute 
of all moral principle. He was truly a shameless and 
immoral fellow. At Inspruch, however, this old " grey- 
headed vice," was near losing his worthless life. — He 
was there convicted of adultery, and was condemned to 
be put into a sack and cast into the river; and this righteous 
sentence would certainly have been executed, had not 
Frederick, the Elector of Saxony, interceded for him, and 
procured his pardon. We are told that although he was 
a monk, two of his own children travelled with him ! 
This is another instance of the moral purity of the Ro- 
mish priests — a fine comment upon the papal celibacy ! 
Such was John Tetzel, the pope's agent. He received 80 
florins a month, and all his expenses paid, and it is said he 
became very rich. He had been engaged formerly in 
selling another kind of indulgence, viz. the " Milk and 
Butter" indulgence, which gave the purchasers, during lent, 
permission to eat things otherwise prohibited by the 
church. Tetzel raised money enough, it is said, to build 
a bridge across the Elbe, at Torgau, and also to rebuild the 
Dome Church, at Freiburg, that had been burnt down. 
He was, therefore, acquainted with the business. The in- 
dulgences he now sold were pieces of paper printed at 
Rome, and no doubt blessed by the Pope, with the follow- 
ing inscription : " May our Lord Jesus Christ have mercy 
on thee, and absolve thee by the merits of his most holy 
passion ; and I, John Tetzel, by his authority, and that of his 



RATES OF INDULGENCES. CXXVII. 

blessed apostles, Peter and Paul, and of the most holy- 
Pope, granted and committed to me in these parts, do ab* 
solve thee, first, from all ecclesiastical censures in what- 
ever manner they have been incurred, then from all thy 
sins, transgressions and excesses, how enormous soever 
they may be, even for such as are reserved for the cogni- 
zance of the Holy See, and as far as the keys of the Holy 
Church extend. I remit to you all punishment which you 
deserve in purgatory on their account, and I restore you to 
the holy sacraments of the Church, to the unity of the 
faithful, and to that innocence and purity you possessed at 
baptism, so that when you die, the gates of punishment 
shall be shut, and the gates of the paradise of delights 
shall be opened, and if you shall not die at present, this 
grace shall remain in full force when you are at the point 
of death. In the name of the Father, the Son and the 
Holy Ghost. Amen." 

These papers were sold to all who could be induced, in 
any way or by any means, to buy them. Each sin had 
its price fixed, although the vender would generally adapt 
the price of an indulgence to the standing and character 
of the customer. The following is the valuation of par- 
dons for some of the different sins of mankind. It is 
taken from the " Tax Book of the Roman Chancery." 
One who had taken a false oath, - - $2.16 
For stealing or robbing, - - - 2.88 
For incest, ------ 1.80 

For adultery, 2.16 

For procuring abortion, - 1.80 

For delivering a soul from purgatory, - .24 



CXXVIII. RECEPTION OF TETZEL. 

There were many other sins taxed, with whos mention 
we cannot soil our sheets. This was the tax laid upon 
the common people. For kings, dukes, princes, bish- 
ops and noblemen, there was a different and much higher 
scale. The rule of conduct on the part of the Pope and 
Archbishop, seems to have been to extort all the money 
they could from the people. In some cases they took as 
high as two hundred crowns, which at that time was a 
very large amount of money. Money, money, and noth- 
ing but money, says a German author, was the beginning, 
the middle, and the end, of the Roman Catholic Church. 
And we might add, this is still the ruling and all-governing 
principle of the Romish hierarchy. 

John Tetzel passed through all Saxony, from city to 
city, and from village to village, selling his wares. 

When he entered into a city, there was generally as 
much parade as if a visiter from the other world had made 
his appearance. The church and convent bells would be 
rung — the military would turn out — the schools would be 
dismissed — the citizens, old and young, would turn out — 
all ordinary business would be suspended. Tetzel would 
select some favorable location, and would erect a huge red 
cross, with the Pope's arms displayed upon it — he would 
then raise his stentorian voice to its highest pitch, like a 
vendue-crier in a country village, when a large number 
were gathered around him, he would then commence prais- 
ing his indulgences. Some of his remarks on those occa- 
sions have been preserved, and faithfully handed down to 
us: " This cross/' exclaims Tetzel, " has as much efficacy 



TETZEL S INDULGENCES. CXXIX. 

as the cross of Christ ! Draw near, and I will give you 
letters duly sealed, by which even the sins you may here- 
after desire to commit, shall all be forgiven. I would not 
exchange my privileges for those of St. Peter in heaven, 
for I have saved more souls with my indulgences than he 
with his prayers ! 

" There is no sin so great that the indulgence cannot re- 
mit it, and even if any one should, (which is doubtless im- 
possible,) ravish the Holy Virgin, Mother of God, let him 
pay, let him only pay largely, and it shall be forgiven him. 
Even repentance is not indispensable." 

" But more than all this, indulgences save not only the 
living alone, they also save the dead. Ye priests, ye no- 
bles, ye tradesmen, ye wives, ye husbands, ye maidens, ye 
young men, hearken to your departed parents and friends, 
who cry to you from the bottomless abyss, « We are en- 
during horrible torments ! a small alms would deliver us, 
you can give it, and you will not. The very moment that 
the money clinks against the bottom of the chest, the soul 
escapes from purgatory and flies free to heaven." * From 
this expression we have the German couplet 

ie So bald das Geld im Kasten klingt, 
Die Seele in den Himmel springt^' 

Thrown into English thus : 

As soon as the money doth klink in the chest, 
The soul flies away to the land of the blest. 

Some say that this very couplet was painted on the great 

chest which Tetzel carried about with him. 
6* 



cxxx. 

Tetzel thus proceeded with his blasphemy, "0 ! sense- 
less people, and almost like beasts who do not comprehend 
(know how to value) the grace so richly offered. This 
day heaven is open on all sides : and do you refuse to en- 
ter — when then do you intend to come in? This day you 
may redeem many souls ! Dull and heedless men, with 
ten groschen you can redeem your father from purga- 
tory. In the day of judgment my conscience will be clear, 
but you will be punished the more severely, for having 
neglected so great a salvation ! I protest, that though you 
should have but one coat, you ought to strip it off, and sell 
it, to purchase this grace. Our Lord God no longer deals 
with us, as God, he has given all power to the pope." 
And then he would close by crying out three times, at the 
top of his voice, " Bring your money ! bring your mo- 
ney ! ! bring your money ! I ! •' This," says Luther, " he 
uttered with such a dreadful bellowing that one might have 
thought some wild bull was rushing among the people, 
and goring them with his horns." 

We are not to suppose that Tetzel was the only one who 
sold indulgences, there were many others in different parts 
of Germany, and even in other countries. But there was 
one by the name of Bartholomew, a Dominican monk, who 
seems to have out-tetzeled Tetzel himself. This man sold 
indulgences at Dessau, a large town in Upper Saxony, 
thirty-seven miles north of Leipsic. This man declared 
publicly that he had seen the blood of Christ flowing down 
the great red cross, which he had erected to attract the peo- 
ple, and those who doubted *he truth of this story were de- 



LUTHER FIRST HEARS OF TETZEL. CXXXI. 

nounced, and cursed in the strongest and most unmerciful 
terms ! There were other sellers of indulgences, but we 
confine our attention chiefly to Tetzel, because he was un- 
wittingly the occasion of the Reformation. 

Luther first heard of Tetzel in 1516. Some one told 
Luther that a man by the name of Tetzel was selling in- 
dulgences, and at the same time mentioned some of Tet- 
zel's impious expressions, upon which Luther is said to 
have exclaimed, " God willing I will make a hole in his 
drum." In Saxony, the selling of indulgences was not so 
popular, Frederick and duke George seem not to have ap- 
proved of so shameful a traffic. Tetzel however, came on 
to Juterbach and Zerbst, where he made a great noise. 
Juterbach is about fourteen miles from Wittenberg — many 
of the people of Wittenberg went thither to see this new 
thing, and when there, they were induced to purchase in- 
dulgences. 

" One day Luther was at the confessional in Witten- 
berg, several residents of the town presented themselves ; 
they confessed themselves guilty of great irregularities, 
adultery, licentiousness, usury, unjust gains. Luther re- 
proved, rebuked and instructed. But what was his aston- 
ishment when those persons replied, that they did not in- 
tend to abandon their sins ! The pious monk, shocked at 
this, declared that since they would not promise to change 
their habits of life, he would not absolve them. Then it 
was that these poor creatures appealed to their letters of 
indulgence, they showed them to Luther, and contended 
for their efficacy. But Luther replied, that he had nothing 



CXXXII. LUTHER IN THE CONFESSIONAL. 

to do with their paper, and he added, " if you do not turn 
from the evil of your ways, you will all perish." They 
exclaimed against this, and renewed their application, but 
the Doctor was immovable. " They must cease to do 
evil, and learn to do well, or otherwise no absolution." 
" Have a care," added he, "how you give ear to the in- 
dulgences ; you have something better to do, than to buy 
licences which they offer you for paltry pence." Speak- 
ing on this subject afterwards Luther says, "Many per- 
sons went to Juterbach and Zerbst to buy indulgences, and 
as sure as I am a redeemed sinner, I did not know what 
indulgences were." But in the confessional Luther found 
out what they were. Those poor dupes who had pre- 
sented their indulgences to Luther, soon returned to Tetzel 
with the most bitter complaints against their inexorable con 
fessor. Tetzel raved and swore eternal vengeance against 
Luther. He went into the pulpit, and poured out his wrath 
and the most dreadful maledictions, against any man that 
would dare to call in question the efficacy of his indulgen- 
ces. More than this, he had several fires kindled through 
the day in Juterbach, to signify what he would do, with 
any man that would oppose him in his business. Whether 
those same persons ever renewed their application to Lu- 
ther we do not know, but very likely they did not, for on the 
following Sabbath, Luther preached on the subject in the 
church at Wittenberg. Some think this sermon was 
preached after the 31st of October, 1517. It is not im- 
portant, whether it was before or after — at all events the 
sermon was printed and produced a profound sensation. 



luther's first published sermon, cxxxiii. 

For the satisfaction of our readers, we here give a trans- 
lation of Luther's sermon on indulgences, found in Tome 
I. Jena edition, 1560. It, like most of Luther's earlier 
sermons, has no text, and is styled, " A sermon concern- 
ing indulgences, 1517, by Doctor Martin Luther, Augus- 
tinian." 

" Know ye, in the first place, that some new teachers, 
such as Mag. Sent., (I suppose the Master of Sentences,) 
St. Thomas and their followers, have given three parts to 
repentance ; viz. sorrow, confession, and satisfaction, and 
although this division is not even according to their opin- 
ions, found in the Holy Scriptures, nor even in the writings 
of the old church fathers, yet we will let this go for what 
it is worth, and speak according to their views. 

" Second. They tell you that indulgences do not take 
away the first and second parts of repentance, viz. sorrow 
and confession, only the third part, viz. satisfaction. 

" Third. Satisfaction is further divided into three 
parts, i. e. prayer, fasting and alms. Prayer includes 
all kinds of works which properly belong to the soul, such 
as reading, reflection, hearing, and the like. Fasting in- 
cludes every thing which belongs to the mortification of the 
body, as watching, fasting, wearing hard clothes, sleeping 
on hard beds, &e. Alms includes all kinds of good 
works, love, compassion and benevolence towards our 
neighbors. 

" Fourth. It is considered by thera an undoubted 
fact, that indulgence does take away the works of satis- 
faction, or destroys the necessity of making satisfac- 



CXXXIV. 



tion for sin, if the indulgence of the Pope takes away the 
guilt of sin, there remains nothing more for us to do. 

" Fifth. It has been the opinion of many, that in- 
dulgence would even take away more than the good 
v/orks imposed upon us, (by the Pope,) and even went so 
far as to suppose indulgence would also take away the 
punishment which the divine justice demands. 

" Sixth. I leave this their opinion unanswered for 
this time. But I do say, that they cannot show from 
any passage of Scripture, that the divine justice requires 
or demands any punishment or satisfaction of the sinner, 
other than a true and heart-felt repentance and conversion, 
with the determination to take up his cross, and practise 
the good works mentioned above, (works that have not been 
imposed by any human authority.) For thus the Lord 
speaks by the prophet Ezekiel, iii. 20. " If the wicked man 
turn unto me, I will remember his wickedness no more." 
So too, Christ pardoned Mary Magdalene and others ; now 
I should like to know who can defend the opposite view, 
although some of the doctors have imagined it. 

" Seventh. It is true, God does punish sinners some- 
times according to his justice, or by suffering, brings them 
to repentance, as we see in the 89th Psalm, 30 to 34. 

" Eighth. Therefore, we are not able to give a name 
to that supposed punishment — nor can any person know 
what it is, unless it is the punishment and works referred 
to above. 

"Ninth. I say that if the Christian Church were this 
day to declare, that indulgences would take away more 



LUTHER S SERMON ON INDULGENCES. CXXXV. 

than the work of satisfaction, yet it would be a thousand 
times better that no Christian should purchase, or even de- 
sire to have an indulgence, but the Christian ought rather 
to suffer the penalty and do the works required. For in- 
dulgence is, after all, nothing more than a dispensation, (or 
dispensing with,) good works, and salutary punishment, 
(or suffering,) which every Christian ought rather to choose 
than to avoid. It is true indeed, several of the newer doc- 
tors have found out two kinds of punishment, viz. medi- 
catinas et satisfactorias, i. e. one to make satisfaction, the 
other to heal. But we have more liberty to reject such 
nonsense than they have to imagine it, for all the pain or 
suffering God imposes upon us is for our improvement. 

" Tenth. The objection, that the penances are too numer- 
ous, and the works too great for our short life time, and 
therefore, we must have indulgences, amounts to nothing 
at all. For God in his holy church will not lay more upon 
us than we can bear, as Paul says, 1 Cor. x. "he will not 
suffer us to be tempted above what we can bear," and this 
tends not a little to the shame of the church, when we 
blame her for imposing more upon us than we can bear. 

U Eleventh. Even if according to the spiritual law, a 
mortal sin does require seven years repentance, yet Chris- 
tianity ought to leave that law undisturbed. * * 

"Twelfth. It is said, I admit, that the sinner with the 
remaining penance is to be referred either to indulgences, 
or purgatory, — but there are a great many things said with- 
out any foundation. 



cxxxvi. luther's sermon on indulgences. 

" Thirteenth. It is a great error for any one to supp c 
he will make satisfaction for his sins, when God is at all 
times willing to forgive them for nothing, of his own un- 
speakable grace, and requires nothing more of us, than 
that we after that lead a holy life. 

"Fourteenth. Indulgence is allowed on account of im- 
perfect and idle christians, who will not be active in doing 
good works, and who have charitable impressions. Indul- 
gence does not require any person to better himself, but 
indulges and encourages this imperfection. Therefore we 
should not speak against indulgences, but we ought not to 
encourage any person to buy them. 

" Fifteenth. It would be far better and safer for the indi- 
vidual who wishes to give anything towards the building 
of St. Peter's (Church,) if he would give it without buy- 
ing indulgence, for it is to be feared the person who buys 
indulgences gives his money rather for them than for God's 
sake. 

" Sixteenth. It is a much better work to give to the needy, 
than to the building of a church. For it is much better to 
do a good work, than to leave many good works undone. 
But the object of indulgences is to induce us to leave 
many good works undone. That you may be properly 
taught, give me your attention. You should before all 
things, even before St. Peter's, or indulgences, give to your 
iestitute neighbor, here in your own town. But if there 
mould be no person here in your own town destitute, then 
f you have anything to give, give it to the churches, altars, 
ornaments, and plate, here in your own town; and if these 



luther's sermon on indulgences, cxxxvii. 

need no more, then if you have it to spare, give it to St. 
Peter's, or where you will. But you must not do this for 
the sake of indulgences. For St. Paul says, " he that 
provideth not for his own household, has denied the faith, 
(in German is no christian,) and is worse than an infidel." 
And you may take it for granted, that he who tells you 
otherwise is only deceiving you, and seeks your soul's 
salvation in your money purse, and depend upon it such 
an one would rather find pennies in your purse than souls. 
(This seems to be a hard thrust at Tetzel.) Then you are 
perhaps ready to say, I will never buy indulgences ! I 
reply, this is what I have before said ; this is my will, re- 
quest, desire and advice, that you buy no indulgences. 
Let those sleeping, lazy christians buy indulgences. You 
attend to your own business. 

" Seventeenth. Indulgences are not commanded, nor ad- 
vised, but belong to that class of things which may be per- 
mitted or allowed. It is therefore no work of obedience 
nor of merit, it is a mere extract of obedience, (ein Aus- 
zug des Gehorsams.) Therefore, although we ought to pre- 
vent no one from purchasing indulgences, yet we ought to 
apprize all christians of the works and penances which 
are thereby omitted, and urge them to their duty. 

" Eighteenth. Whether the soul is liberated from the 
fires of purgatory by indulgences, I do not know, nor do 
I as yet believe it, although several new doctors affirm it, 
but it is impossible for them to prove it, nor has the church 
yet determined that point. Therefore it is far better, and 



CXXXVIII. LUTHER S SERMON ON INDULGENCES. 

far more safe for you, to pray for yourself; for your salva- 
tion will then be more certain. 

" Nineteenth. I have no doubt in my own mind on these 
points, for they are abundantly founded upon the Holy 
Scriptures. Therefore you too ought to have no doubts, 
and let scholastic doctors be scholastics, the whole of them 
with all their notions, are not able to produce one solid, 
well founded sermon. 

" Twentieth. Some no doubt will pronounce me a here- 
tic, for the truth I have now advanced will no doubt be in- 
jurious to their chests, but I shall pay little attention to 
such bellowings, inasmuch as this will only be done by 
such as have dark brains, who have never even smelied 
the Bible, who have never even read the doctrines of Chris- 
tianity, who have never understood their own teacher, but 
who have been led into error by their own laughable and 
torn notions, for if they would have understood Christian- 
ity, they would have known that they ought not to abuse 
any person, unheard and unconvinced. Nevertheless, the 
Lord give them and us a proper state of mind. Amen." 
We have given the whole of this sermon, with the ex- 
ception of two short sentences, which did not appear clear 
to our mind. The reader will see in this sermon, that 
Luther had no idea of becoming a Reformer when he wrote 
it, for he had then a great veneration for the church of 
Rome. We think there can be no doubt but this sermon 
was preached after the 95 Theses were made public, and 
even after Tetzel's first attack upon Luther. 



1517. THE DREAM OF THE ELECTOR OF SAXONY. CXXXIX 

Tetzel made a feeble reply to this powerful sermon, but 
this only made the matter worse. 

We will now relate a very curious dream which the 
Elector of Saxony had, on the night of the 30th of Octo- 
ber, 1517— he related it to his brother, duke John, on the 
morning of the 31st. "Having gone to bed last night, 
tired and dispirited, I fell asleep soon after saying my 
prayers, and slept quietly about two hours and an half. I 
then awoke and continued engaged till midnight with a va- 
riety of thoughts. I considered how I should keep the 
festival of All Saints, I prayed for the poor souls in pur- 
gatory, and besought God to guide me, my counsellors and 
all my people, into all truth. I fell asleep again; and 
then dreamt that the Almighty God sent a monk to me, 
who was the true son of St. Paul. All the saints accom- 
panied him, according to the command of God, in order to 
testify to me of him, and to declare that he had not come 
with any fraudulent design, but that all he did was agree- 
able to the will of God. They asked me, at the same 
time, graciously to allow him to write something on the 
church door of the Castle of Wittenberg; which request 
I granted by the mouth of the Chancellor. Thereupon 
the monk went his way, and began to write, but in such 
large characters, that I could read from Schweinitz, (his 
country seat,) what he was writing. The pen that he used 
was so long that its extremity reached even to Rome, 
wounded the ears of a lion (Leo means a lion) that was 
couched there, and shook the triple crown upon the pope's 
head. All the cardinals and princes running hastily to- 



CXL. THE DREAM OF THE ELECTOR OF SAXONY. 

wards him, endeavored to support it. You and I brother 
among the rest attempted to support it ; I put out my arm, 
but at that moment I awoke, with my arm extended in 
great alarm, and very angry with the monk who handled 
his pen so awkwardly. I recovered myself a little, — it 
was only a dream ! After this I dreamt, that all the princes 
of the empire, you and I among the rest, were nocking to 
Rome, trying one after the other to break this pen, but the 
more we exerted ourselves the stifFer it became ; it resisted 
as if it had been made of iron ; at length we were tired. 
I then asked the monk, (for I seemed to be sometimes at 
Rome, and sometimes at Wittenberg,) where he had ob- 
tained that pen and why it was so strong ? The pen, re- 
plied the monk, once belonged to the wing of a goose of 
Bohemia, a hundred years old. I received it from one of 
my old school-masters ; its strength is such, that no one can 
take the pith out of it — and I myself am quite surprised 
at it ! Suddenly I heard a loud cry ; from the monk's long 
pen had issued a number of other pens. I awoke the third 
time and it was day light." If this dream be authentic, it 
is certainly very remarkable. 

Luther had refused absolution to the holders of in- 
dulgences in the confessional — he had preached against 
them, but still Tetzel went on selling all he could. Luther 
then meditated another form of attack — not against the 
church of Rome, nor against the pope, nor against the arch- 
bishop, but against John Tetzel and his shameful traffic. 
Luther up to this time was a faithful and devoted Roman 
Catholic, and he thought in opposing Tetzel, he was ac- 



LUTHER PUBLISHES HIS NINETY-FIVE THESES. CXLl. 

tually doing the church a good service. As an evidence 
of this he wrote letters to the bishops of Meissen, Brande- 
burg and Merseburg, and also to Albert, arch-bishop of 
Mentz. Luther did not yet know the depth of the cor- 
ruption of the papal hierarchy — he had no idea at that time 
that the arch-bishop had an actual interest in this unholy 
traffic. Some of the bishops to whom he wrote made no 
reply, others answered him, but in such a way as to have 
him understand that they considered him on dangerous 
ground— they told him plainly that in matters of this sort, 
in which the pope or any of his agents were engaged, they 
could and would not interfere — they advised Luther to take 
care how he meddled in such things. Luther had been 
thinking a good deal about the nature and tendency of in- 
dulgences. And in the honesty and sincerity of his soul, 
he had prepared 95 propositions, called Theses, on the 
subject. These Theses Luther himself nailed to the door 
of the church at Wittenberg on the 31st of October. This 
was done at noon not as D'Aubigne says, in the evening 
of All-Saints day, but at noon on the eve of All-Saints day, 
i. e. the day before All-Saints day — that day always comes 
on the first of November. That time was selected by Lu- 
ther, because thousands of pilgrims were expected the next 
day to visit the Elector's new church, in which the many 
and precious relics which Staupitz had collected were to 
be exhibited. None of Luther's friends seem to have 
known any thing of his intention to challenge the world to 
discuss the matter with him — for in accordance with the 
customs of the day, this was a challenge for every persou 



CXLII. 

and any person, to meet him in public debate. Luther 
perhaps at first only intended to make a University discus- 
sion out of it. These discussions were very common then. 
These Theses produced a great excitement. On All- 
Saint's day the whole conversation was about them. The 
truth of those bold and daring propositions flashed like 
lightning upon the minds of men. But as the reader is 
perhaps anxious to see the Theses we will here trans- 
cribe a few of them. 

Ninety-Five Theses on Indulgences, by Doctor Martin 
Luther. 

They were originally written in Latin, we translate 
from the German found in Luther's works, Jena edition, 
1560, which has been pronounced the best and most per- 
fect of all his works. 

1. Our Lord and Master Christ, when he commands us 
to repent, intends that our whole life, should be one of re- 
pentance. 

2. Nor can, nor ought this, to be understood of the Sac- 
rament of penance, i. e. of confession and satisfaction, as 
administered by the priest. 

3. Nevertheless, he does not here speak of inward re- 
pentance alone, for inward repentance is of no account, 
unless it produces all kind of outward mortification of the 
flesh. 

4. Repentance and sorrow, that is, true penitence, lasts 
as long as a man is displeased with himself, i. e. until he 
passes from this into an eternal life. 



LUTHER'S THESES. CXLIII. 

5. The pope neither intends, nor can he remit any other 
punishment than that, which he has imposed, according to 
his good pleasure, or in conformity to the Canons, i. e. to 
the papal ordinances. 

6. The pope can forgive no debt, (Schuld vergeben,) but 
can only declare and confirm the forgiveness which God 
himself has given, except only in cases that refer to him- 
self. If he does otherwise, the debts remain unremoved 
and unforgiven. 

7. God forgives the sins of no one, whom he does not 
at the same time humble, and who is not willing to obey 
his confessor. 

8. Canones poenitentiales, i. e. the laws which refer to 
repentance and confession, are intended only for the living, 
and not for the dead. 

21. Therefore, the preachers of indulgences are in error 
when they say that in consequence of the pope's indul- 
gences, men are liberated from all sin and saved. 

27. Those therefore, preach human folly (Menschen- 
tand) who say that as soon as the money falls in the chest, 
the soul is liberated from purgatory. 

32. Those persons who expect to make sure their sal- 
vation by letters of indulgence, will together with their 
masters go to the devil. 

33. We must guard carefully against those who tell us 
that the pope's indulgences are the most precious gifts and 
graces of God. 

50. We must teach christians, that if the pope knew 
how the indulgence preachers extorted money from the 



cxliv. luther's theses. 

people, he would rather see St. Peter's church burnt to 
powder, than to see it built up with the skin, the flesh, and 
the bones of his flock. 

51. We must teach christians that the pope, as is his 
duty, should give his own money, and if he had to sell St. 
Peter's church to raise money, to those poor people, who 
are now robbed of their last copper, by the preachers of 
indulgences. 

52. To put our trust in indulgences for salvation, is to 
put our trust in a vain and lying thing, and even if the 
commissioner (indulgence-monger) or even the pope him- 
self should pledge his own soul, to make it good. 

53. Those who forbid the preaching of God's word in 
other churches on account of the preaching of indulgences, 
are the enemies of Christ, and of the pope. 

54. Injustice is done to the word of God, when as much 
or even more time is taken up in the church, in preaching 
indulgences, than the word of God. 

56. The treasures of the church, out of which the pope 
distributes indulgences, are neither recognized, nor pro- 
nounced satisfactory by the church of Christ. 

59. St. Lawrence called the poor members of the church, 
the churches treasures, but he used the word as it was un- 
derstood in his day. 

62- The proper and true treasure of the church, is the 
Holy Gospel of the glory and grace of God. 

63. This treasure is for the benefit of the most hostile 
and the most hated, for it causes the first to be last. 



LUTHER S THESES. CXLV. 

64. But indulgences are for the benefit of the most wor 
thy for it causes the last to be the first. 

65. Therefore the treasures of the gospel are nets, in 
which in former times the rich and respectable were 
caught. 

66. But the treasures of indulgences are the nets by 
which in the present day the riches of the people are 
caught. 

67. The indulgence which the preachers crack up to be 
the greatest grace, must of course be esteemed a great fa- 
vor for it produces great gain and interest. 

68. And yet this indulgence is certainly the very small- 
est grace, when compared with the grace of God, and the 
salvation of the cross. 

69. It is the duty of bishops and pastors to receive with 
all respect the commissioners of indulgences. 

70. But it is much more their duty, to have their eyes 
and ears open and to see to it, that those commissioners, 
do not preach their own dreams, instead of the pope's 
commands. 

71. He who speaks against the pope's indulgences let 
him be accused and condemned. 

72. But he who speaks against the foolish and impudent 
speeches of the indulgence preachers, let him be blessed. 

75. To esteem the pope's indulgence so high as to sup* 
pose that if a person were (which is impossible) even tp 
defile the Holy Mother of God, yet fye could receive re- 
mission by those indulgences—is raving madness and folly. 



CXLVI. EXCITEMENT OCCASIONED BY LUTHER.' S THESES. 1517. 

76. The pope's indulgences, on the contrary, cannot 
take away the smallest daily sin, so far as the blame of it 
is concerned. 

77. To say that St. Peter, if he were now pope, could 
not give a more perfect indulgence, is blasphemy against 
St. Peter, and the pope. 

79. To say that the cross, hung about with the pope's 
arms, is as efficacious as the cross of Christ, is blas- 
phemy. 

80. The bishops, pastors and theologians, who approve 
of such words being used before the common people, will 
have to render an account to God. 

We have omitted a number of Luther's propositions 
for want of room, but we have given enough to show the 
spirit and independence of the man. The proclamation 
of these startling truths, was the tocsin of war. The 
church became alarmed — the Theses were scattered far 
and wide, and kindled a fire everywhere, in every city, 
town and hamlet in Germany. They were carried, as an 
old writer says, " on the wings of the wind, as though the 
angels themselves had been the messengers." They 
found readers and advocates everywhere, and soon became 
the all absorbing topic of conversation in all quarters. 
Princes and nobles, learned and unlearned, rich and poor, 
all became interested in them. Lorence von Bibra, of 
Wurtzburg, highly approved of Luther's Theses. Even 
Maximilian, the emperor, looked upon them very favora- 
bly. The emperor was anxious for a reformation in the 
church, and he told Frederick, the Wise, to take good care 



LUTHER'S LETTERS TO THE POPE AND ARCHBISHOP. CXLVII. 

of the courageous Monk, for says he, " we may yet stand 
in need of his services." Luther sent his Theses, to- 
gether with a long and interesting letter, to the Archbishop 
of Mentz, but his letter and Theses were treated with si- 
lent contempt by that haughty prince. An evidence this 
that he did not then consider his Theses a declaration ol 
war against the church. He also, sometime afterwards, 
sent his Theses and a very submissive letter to the Pope. 
His letter to the Archbishop is full of respect for his high 
office. This letter is dated All- Saints day,i. e. November 
the 1st, 1517. Luther says, among other things, " Men 
are carrying throughout the country the papal indulgences, 
under your grace's name. I will not so much accuse the 
clamours of the preachers, as the false opinions of the 
simple people, who when they purchase these indulgen- 
ces, think themselves sure of salvation. This grieves me 
to the very heart. Great God ! the poor souls committed 
to your care, most pious father, are thus led to death and 
not to life. The awful account your holy reverence will 
have to render for these souls, increases every day. There- 
fore I could hold my peace no longer ; for no man can be 
assured of his salvation by the office of a bishop, unless 
he have this assurance through the grace of God. The 
Apostle Paul, in Phil. 2d chapter, admonishes us < to work 
out our salvation with fear and trembling,' and St. Peter 
says, ' if the righteous scarcely be saved, where shall the 
ungodly and the sinner appear ?' Yea, so narrow is the 
way that leadeth unto life, that God through the holy pro- 
phets Amos and Zachariah, calls those who are saved, 



cxlviii. luther's letters to the pope and archbishop. 

* brands plucked from the eternal burnings,' and Jesus 
Christ himself in many places says, it is a very difficult 
thing to be saved. Why then do the preachers of indul- 
gences lull the people asleep, by preaching up false and ly- 
ing fables of their own ? Christ himself has nowhere 
commanded us to preach indulgences, but has enjoined 
upon us everywhere to preach the gospel." 

Thus the fearless and intrepid monk wrote to the highest 
ecclesiastical dignitary of Germany. The common peo- 
ple hailed Luther's Theses as indications of better days — 
they inspired them with the hope that the tyranny of Rome 
would not last forever. The people were heartily sick 
and tired of the outrageous traffic in their own sins — all 
they wanted was a champion who could embody their ar- 
guments in writing, and who dared to oppose their cruel 
and ghostly tax-masters ! This Luther did, and no man 
that God ever created was better qualified for this work 
than he — he had every qualification in human perfection. 
Hence they were read with avidity everywhere, — all the 
talk everywhere was about Luther and his Theses. He 
has attacked the church say some — he must be a great man 
say others — he will surely be burnt exclaims a pious 
monk, who was well acquainted with the history of John 
Huss. "That's right intrepid monk," exclaims the em- 
peror Maximilian. "These Theses," says Frederick the 
Wise, " are built upon the word of God, and cannot be over- 
thrown — a great man that Luther, all true what Staupitz 
says about him — I am glad he is at my beloved Univer- 
sity — he will raise it to great fame." Thus every one had 



ERASMUS. CXLIX. 

some remark to make. Cursed be the man who wrote 
these heretical Theses, exclaims the Dominican — blessed 
be the monk of Erfurt, says the Augustinian. 

Erasmus who for near forty years had been the great 
arbiter of every author's fate^-and whose opinion was con- 
sidered the end of all argument, on all questions of literary 
orthodoxy. This great scholar received Luther's Theses. 
The very first sentence attracted his attention — he reads 
on — and on to the end — he was highly pleased with the 
truth. But, as he was exceedingly cautious, and withal 
timorous and more far-sighted than most of his contempor- 
aries, he was careful in making known his opinion about 
them. Still in one of his letters, he says, that he believed 
" that God had sent Luther to reform the Church." The 
Elector of Saxony who was a particular friend of Erasmus 
asked him directly what he thought of the controversy be- 
tween Luther and the pope, Erasmus replied " that in his 
opinion Luther was right, but it were to be wished he were 
more mild in his manner." In one of his letters he says, 
"the cause of Luther is invidious because he at once 
attacks the bellies of the monks, and the diadem of the 
pope." 

In a letter addressed to cardinal Compegio in 1520, 
Erasmus opens his mind freely concerning Luther, " he 
possesses great natural talents, and has a genius particu- 
larly adapted to the explanation of difficult points of liter- 
ature, and for rekindling the sparks of genuine evangelical 
doctrine," and adds, "all the most serious and moral are 
pleased with his writings." These were the opinions of 



CL. ERASMUS. 

Erasmus before his controversy with Luther, after that he 
seems to have changed his opinions. Erasmus himself 
had assisted in raising the storm by which he was after- 
wards prostrated — he had himself written against the errors 
and ignorance of the priests — he had awakened the atten- 
tion of reflecting men to the enormous abuses of Rome. 
But this matter fell into other hands, and we might say 
into abler and more honest and pious hands. 

Erasmus was not the man to encounter opposition, at 
all events not the opposition of the great ones of the earth— 
and yet such was the nature of this controversy that he 
was obliged to take sides. He stood neutral for a long 
time. 

Tetzel encountered Luther— -but the attack was like that 
of the ass upon the elephant — next came Dr. John Eck, 
the most popular debater Rome could muster, he was older 
than Luther, and had fought many a hard battle of words — 
he came boldly to the charge — he did not know his man — 
a few strokes of Luther's merciless and iron-eloquence, 
laid the Doctor of Ingoldstadt low — then came the accom- 
plished cardinal Cajetan — he came with mildness, and by 
blandness intended to disarm the erring monk — but Luther 
came with the hammer of God's word, and the Italian 
monk was done. He returned to Rome and told his mas- 
ter that the affair, which Leo X. had called a squabble be- 
tween the monks, was a very important thing and must be 
attended to immediately — next came Miltitz an accom- 
plished German noblemen— Luther soon unhorsed the val- 
iant knight — next came all the learned doctors Rome could 



ERASMUS URGED TO ATTACK LUTHER. CLI. 

muster, to Worms, to confute Luther — he vanquished all. 
There was one more great man ; Rome valued his learn- 
ing and looked upon him as a prodigy, and he was a 
prodigy, Rome must have his assistance, no man could 
hitherto stand before him. Rome felt that Erasmus was 
the only individual that could grapple with Luther. The 
pope, cardinals, bishops, kings, princes, all, all united in 
urging the "Great king of letters," to write against Luther. 
Erasmus had read all Luther's writings, and he saw that 
it would be no small undertaking to refute him — he knew 
that his Latin was not the best, but he felt the truth of his 
ideas. He hesitated a long time — he found at last that 
Luther was rising so rapidly, that his own glory would 
soon be eclipsed in the effulgence of Luther's. At length 
it was reported that the mighty man of Rotterdam was to 
write against Luther. The church of Rome shouted for 
joy — victory must be the result. An eloquent writer says, 
" Of all the champions of Rome, this was the only one 
who could close in combat with the Augustinian monk, 
with any prospect of escape from his muscular and pow- 
erful arm. The pride of learning, popery, and despotism ; 
armed by the superstitions and terrors of a deceived and 
infuriated church ; cheered on by the plaudits and promises 
of earth's greatest dignitaries, with the advantage of all his 
unequalled fame and influence ; what had he to fear from 
an anathematized and off-cast heretic, a man cursed of the 
holy pontiff, the omnipotent vicar of Christ, and hateful to 
the haughty representative of the Caesars ! Could Luther 
have hoped for escape with such odds against him ? A 



CLII. JOHN TETZEL S ONE HUNDRED 

lone monk, single handed, among whose friends were feeble 
hearts and weaponless hands, to meet the giant of the times, 
having the vantage ground and seconded by all the poten- 
tates of Christendom ; what could have saved him from de- 
feat and ruin ? But wi»h all this superiority Erasmus 
hesitated ; his courage was insufficient. Luther had time 
to fill all Germany with his popular literature, he gained 
the hearts of the common people. And when at length 
Erasmus advanced to the encounter, his blows fell on Lu 
ther as the breeze smites against the mighty Alps ; and the 
world resounded with laughter at his imbecility." The 
attack was so contemptible that Luther did not think it 
worth a reply, until urged by his friends — and when he 
did reply, the world saw that Erasmus was a small man 
compared with Luther. 

We have thus briefly noticed Erasmus, we may perhaps 
refer to him again. We have rather anticipated the thread 
of our history. We will now return to the Theses of Lu- 
ther. It is not to be expected that John Tetzel would let 
the 95 Theses of Luther pass unnoticed. He did not. 
He went to Frankfort, and Dr. Conrad Wimpina wrote for 
him 106 Theses, which he put up and promised to defend, 
and soon after he put up 50 more, making in all 156 The- 
ses, containing about as many foolish, absurd, and blas- 
phemous notions, as could well be compressed into that 
number. We will give the reader a few of those absurd 
propositions, in order to show, what were the doctrines of 
the church of Rome in the sixteenth century. And be it 
remembered by all Protestant readers, that the Romish 



AND FIFTY-SIX THESES. CLIII. 

church believes now what she always did, and that John 
Tetzel was actually made a Doctor of Divinity for having 
defended these Theses : 

" 46. He who says that the preachers of indulgences err 
when they proclaim that men are pardoned by the pope's 
indulgences, is in error 

47. He who says that the pope cannot relieve the suf- 
ferings of the souls in purgatory, is in error. 

65. He who teaches that any christian who has repent- 
ed truly and been sorry on account of his sins, can receive 
complete and entire pardon, without indulgences, is in er 
ror ! 

75. He who gives to the poor and needy does well, but 
he who buys indulgences does better. He who teaches 
the contrary, is in error. 

85. He who says, that those who expect to be saved 
through indulgences are deceived and belied, even if the 
pope should pledge the salvation of Iris own soul for their 
efficacy, is a great errorist !" 

This was the miserable stuff, that Dr. Wimpina and 
Tetzel brought forward as argument against the powerful 
reasoning of Luther ! No wonder the people laughed at 
such champions. The Theses of Dr. Wimpina and Tet- 
zel rather amused than alarmed Luther. "It seems to 
me," says he, " at the sound of these invectives, that I 
hear a great ass braying at me." This it is true may be 
considered very severe. Luther was a man — he was a 
wit — and as occasion required it he used his wit to some 
purpose. 



CLIV. DISPUTE AT FRANKFORT. 1518. 

On the 20th of January, 1518, the great disputation was 
to take place at Frankfort, on the Oder. Tetzel and Wim- 
pina had drumed up all the Dominican monks in the sur- 
rounding country, upwards of 300 were present, besides 
the professors and students of the University, and many 
citizens. The first series of propositions referred to in- 
dulgences ; the second to the power of the pope. The 
following are some of the latter. 

3. Christians must be taught that the pope, according to 
the greatness of his power, is superior to the universal 
church and the councils, and that all are bound to obey his 
decrees. 

4. Christians must be taught that the pope alone has the 
power to determine the meaning of christian doctrines, 
that he alone, and no other has the right to determine the 
meaning of Scripture, and he alone has the power to con- 
demn the works and words of others. 

5. Christians are to be taught that in matters of faith, 
and things pertaining to the salvation of the soul, he can- 
not err. These and others of a like import, were the pro- 
positions which Tetzel undertook to defend at Frankfort, 
where he never dreamed of meeting with an opponent. In 
this he was however mistaken. For John Knipstrow, a 
student of Frankfort, had read Luther's Theses, and felt 
and acknowledged their truth and power. He listened to 
Tetzel's foolish remarks — and when the fat Dominican re- 
peated again and again, let any man dare to oppose these 
views — young Knipstrow arose and commenced replying— 
Tetzel became alarmed — it was evident to all present that 



TETZEL BURNS LUTHER S THESES. CLV. 

he had not written the Theses — for bad as they were, he 
did not seem to understand them. Dr. Wimpina had to 
take Tetzel's place. Even Dr. Wimpina with all his elo- 
quence had his hands full— he was frequently cornered, 
and to save himself and his friend Tetzel the disgrace of 
an inglorious defeat, he as president of the disputation pro- 
nounced the debate ended, and John Tetzel the victor, and 
immediately conferred the degree of D. D. upon the un- 
worthy and contemptible monk, as a reward for his won- 
derful and glorious victory ! The poor young student 
Knipstrow was afterwards rusticated for his offence in re- 
plying as he did. He was banished to a convent in Po- 
merania, but afterwards he preached the everlasting gospel 
in that country, and did much good as a Lutheran preacher. 
Tetzel had a fire kindled in the evening at Frankfort and 
placed Luther's sermon and Theses upon it — exclaiming, 
"The heretic Luther ought thus to be burned alive." 
D'Aubigne says the second series of Tetzel's Theses 
marks an important epoch in the history of the Reforma- 
tion. They changed the ground of the dispute, transfer- 
ring it from the indulgence market to the halls of the Vati- 
can — and diverted the attack from Tetzel himself to the 
pope. For the contemptible trafficer whom Luther had 
assailed and held powerless in his grasp, they substituted 
the sacred person of the head of the church. Thencefor- 
ward the dispute had reference not merely to a discredited 
traffic, but to Rome itself; and the blow, that a bold monk 
had aimed against Tetzel's stall, smote and shook to its 
foundations the throne of the pontifical king. And any 



CLVI. PRIERIAS WRITES AGAINST LUTHER. 

man of discernment can see that Luther even up to this 
time had the highest veneration and respect for the pope 
and the church over which he presided. When he attacked 
indulgences, he of course expected the pope and the great 
doctors of the church to stand by him. Tetzel and Wim- 
pina compelled him to attack the pope's pretended author- 
ity, sooner than he would otherwise have done. No doubt 
in due time Luther would have attacked the pretended 
authority of the pope, for the Reformation had its origin 
in the regenerated soul of the Saxon doctor. The new 
spiritual life of Luther, with his transcendent talents and 
invincible courage, must have impelled him sooner or later 
to attack the whole corrupted fabric of the papal church. 
Leo X. who was more intent upon some fine painting or 
some exhumed statue, had formerly said, "it is only a 
squabble among the monks, the best way is to take no no- 
tice of it," and at another time, "it is a drunken German 
that has written these Theses, when he is sober he will 
talk very differently." The pope however now began to 
think differently — he found no more remittances coming 
from Germany—- he became alarmed. Sylvester Prierias, 
master of the pontifical palace, undertook, no doubt at the 
suggestion of the pope, to reply to Luther. This man 
published a work in reply to Luther, which he dedicated 
to pope Leo the X. In this work he speaks in a proud 
and haughty manner, he did not yet know the man he was 
attacking — he did not then know he was writing against 
the most powerful human being God had ever created — a 
man that had more talents than the whole papal court com- 



LUTHER S REPLY TO PRIERIAS. CLVII. 

bined— -and more knowledge than a general council. " I 
should like to know," says Prierias, " who this German 
monk is." " I would like to know," says he in contempt, 
" whether this Martin Luther has indeed an iron snout and 
a head of brass that cannot be broken?" The work of 
Prierias was in the form of a dialogue — Prierias was one 
speaker and Luther the other. The language of the Ro- 
man courtier is not so refined as we might suppose, " It is 
the nature of dogs to bite, I should fear thou hast a dog for 
thy father." This language is more uncouth and scurril- 
ous than any used by Luther himself. Here is a Roman 
Catholic sentiment, that ought to be written upon the hearts 
of all Protestants, especially those milk and water Protest- 
ants who are always making apologies for Romanists — it 
is the language of the pope, uttered by his mouth-piece 
Prierias, " The Roman church the supremacy of whose 
power i spiritual and temporal, is vested in the pope, can 
restrain by the secular arm, those who having first re- 
ceived the faith, afterwards depart from it. The church 
is under no obligation to employ argument to combat and 
overcome rebels" These are still the opinions of the pa- 
pal church. But, thank God, Luther has taught the world 
a different doctrine ! 

The attack of Prierias was the first that had any show 
of argument—he gave utterance to many sound truths, 
mixt however with much error. Luther did not answer 
him immediately, at first he thought it was the production 
of Ulrich von Hutten, a celebrated wit of that age, in this 
however he was mistaken At length he replied — his re- 



CLVIII. 

ply was based first on the Scriptures ; secondly, on the 
church fathers ; he showed clearly that the views of Pri- 
erias were not in accordance with the Bible or the fathers. 
Prierias sees and feels his littleness by the side of Lu- 
ther — Luther was aroused and deeply excited at the so- 
phistry of the pope's right hand man — he therefore made 
bare his powerful arm, and with one blow dashed the 
Italian monk to the earth ! When Luther's reply reached 
Rome, Prierias no doubt formed a different opinion of the 
German monk who had a dog for his father — he found out 
too, that although he had no iron nose, yet his arm was 
made of steel ! The war was now fairly opened. Luther 
had his hands full, he had no sooner shaken off one enemy 
before two or three others were upon him. The Dominican 
monks every where fulminated against him— he is not fit 
to live— he ought to be burned — this has always been the 
argument of ignorance. When bigots cannot refute they 
must persecute. 

The next that attacked Luther, was Jacob Hochstraten, 
the Inquisitor General of Cologne. A man who had ac- 
quired some notoriety by his controversies with the learned 
and amiable Reuchlin. This man was at the head of the 
Dominicans, as Staupitz was chief of the Augustinians. 
Hochstraten spoke very hard against Luther, he echoed the 
sentiments of the Dominican order, " It is, (said he in the 
true spirit of an incarnate fiend,) high treason against the 
church, to suffer such a heretic to live, away with him to 
the scaffold." Luther soon replied to this popish monster. 
Luther's reply is dated July 13th, 1518. "God," says 



HOCHSTRATEN— MEETING AT HEIDELBERG. CLIX. 

Luther, "has raised up another enemy — but it is only rais- 
ing up a new enemy out of an old one, viz : he whom I 
shall by permission call Jacob Hochstraten, the Inquisitor 
General, who is rightly called the chief of heretics. Who 
is a heretic, if thou Jacob Hochstraten art not one ? You 
can, it is true, make a correct proposition, but your con- 
clusions are always heretical ! Your dialectics are truly 
wonderful ! Why you make out the church itself hereti- 
cal ! The sun has never shone upon a more flagrant and 
shameful heretic than yourself! Therefore do thou, O ! 
Leo X., thou merciful shepherd and father, send some other 
heretic catcher after the master of heretics, for if you don't 
take care he will convert you and your whole church into 
heretics." 

The full force of this sarcasm will appear when we re- 
member that the whole weight of Hochstraten' s argument 
was, that Luther was a heretic and that he ought not to live. 
Hochstraten never replied to Luther's bitter and cutting sar- 
casm. 

We shall now follow Luther to the meeting of the Au- 
gu simians at Heidelberg. Luther set out on foot in com- 
pany with Urban, who was employed as a servant and 
guide. He was most affectionately recommended by the 
elector of Saxony to the count Palatine, Wolfgang, duke of 
Bavaria, and to the pious bishop of Wurtzburg. Luther 
was warmly received — and he was happy in the company 
of his friends. Staupitz was there, and Lange his old 
preceptor from Erfurt, and a number of other friends. The 
University of Heidelberg was famous at that day, and ex- 



CLX. LUTHER DISPUTES AT HEIDELBERG. 

erted a wide spread and commanding influence over a great 
part of Germany and France. Luther of course was the 
great lion of the day — every body was anxious to see and 
hear the man that had written the ninety -five famous The- 
ses. There was to be public debating — Luther must be 
the champion on the part of the Augustinians. Luther 
put up some Theses, which he called paradoxes, and chal- 
lenged any or all the professors of Heidelberg to dispute 
with him. The following are some of his Theses: 

1. The law of God is a salutary rule of life, and yet it 
cannot keep man in the obtaining of righteousness, but on 
the contrary impedes him. 

3. Works of men, let them be as fair and good as they 
may, are yet evidently nothing but mortal sins. 

4. Y/orks that are of God, however unsightly and evil 
in appearance, have yet an endless efficacy. 

9. To say that works done out of Christ are truly dead 
works, but not mortal sins, is a dangerous forgetfulness of 
the fear of God. 

There were a number of others, but these few are suf- 
ficient to show what he had in view. He had nothing to 
fear from the professors at Heidelberg, he knew that they 
were yet under the influence of Aristotle and the School- 
men. Five doctors undertook to dispute with him. These 
men had often debated before, but such a powerful man 
they had never expected to meet. Luther in his answers 
to their questions, and in replying to their arguments, at- 
tacked their authors, and clearly showed the combatants 
that the very authorities they cited knew nothing. It is 



LUTHER SENDS HIS THESES TO THE POPE. CLXI. 

said that Luther was unusually mild and playful on this 
occasion. This was no doubt owing to the courteous and 
gentlemanly deportment of the other disputants. Four of 
the doctors retreated as soon as they could with honor. 
But the fifth, Dr. Niger, hung on and still kept up some 
show of opposition until at last he was fairly run out of 
arguments. Luther then made some more bold and start- 
ling propositions — the young doctor did not know what to 
say — at last he exclaimed, " If our peasantry heard such 
things, they would stone you to death," upon which the 
whole audience burst out into a roar of laughter. Thus 
ended the controversy at Heidelberg, but not its effects. 
Luther acquired great honor at this place and did much 
good. Those interesting young men who listened to Lu- 
ther's arguments, were led to the knowledge of the truth, 
viz : Martin Bucer, John Brentz and Ehrhard Snepf. 
These three young men became powerful coadjutors in the 
glorious Reformation — they all became professors and au- 
thors of no mean celebrity. But besides these, many 
others became impressed with the importance of eternal 
things. When Luther was ready to return, the count Pal- 
atine gave him a very nattering letter to the elector of Sax- 
ony, in which he says, " the skill which Luther exhibited 
in disputing here, does your Wittenberg University great 
honor, and he is highly esteemed here by many persons." 
Luther was much benefited by his journey to Heidel- 
berg, and encouraged in his work. Soon after his return 
to Wittenberg, he sent a letter together with his ninety-five 
Theses, to the pope. It may be proper to observe here 



CLXII. LUTHER S LETTERS TO THE POPE. 

that Luther's Theses had not only been grossly misrepre- 
sented, but (perhaps) honestly misunderstood, he there- 
fore felt in duty bound to explain them more fully. His 
explanations he called solutions. In these explanations he 
is very moderate, yet firm and decided. No doubt his 
friends Staupitz, Lange and Dr. Judocus, with whom he 
had spent some time at Heidelberg, urged this upon him. 
He wrote a letter, therefore, to John Staupitz, the Vicar- 
General of the Augustinians, and requested him to send it 
to the pope. He wrote a letter also to the Bishop of 
Brandenburg, but did not, as D'Aubigne says, forward his 
letter to the pope through that prelate, but through Stau- 
pitz, as the original letters will show, which are printed in 
Luther's Tomes, and are now before me. To Staupitz 
he says, " I hope, therefore, your reverence will receive 
my simple writings, and forward them to our pious pope, 
Leo X., in any way that may be convenient for you, that 
they may be pleaders and intercessors for me, against the 
invidious flatterers who are blowing strange things into his 
ears." 

Luther's letter to the pope is a noble specimen of writ- 
ing, for fearless, bold and independent thought, it is unsur- 
passed, among human compositions it has no equal. Lu- 
ther wrote two letters to the pope, the first on the 22d of 
May, 1518, and the other on Trinity Sunday, being a week 
later, as he says, " my writings to Staupitz," perhaps he 
sent them both together. We will give extracts from 
both. 



luther's letters to the pope. clxiii. 

"Most worthy father in God. — It is now sometime 
since a new and unheard of doctrine concerning the apos- 
tolic indulgences began to be preached in these parts ; the 
learned and ignorant were troubled by it, and many per- 
sons requested me to give my opinion from the pulpit or 
in writing about this novelty. At first I kept myself si- 
lent and neutral, but at last, things came to such a pass, 
that the pope's holiness was compromised. What could I 
do ? I thought it my duty neither to approve nor condemn 
these doctrines, but to open a discussion on this important 
subject, till such time as the holy church should pronounce 
upon it. 

" No one presenting himself for a discussion, and my 
Theses being considered not as matter of debate, but as 
propositions dogmatically asserted, I find myself obliged 
to put forth an explanation of them. Deign, therefore, to 
accept these offerings that I present to you, most clement 
Bishop. And that all may see that I am not acting pre- 
sumptuously, I entreat your Holiness to take pen and ink 
and blot out, or throw into the fire, whatever may dis- 
please you. I know that Christ needs none of my labors 
or services, and that he can easily, without my instrumen- 
tality, make known the good tidings in his church. Not 
that the denunciations and threats of my enemies alarm 
me ; quite the contrary. If they were not so wanting in 
prudence, and lost to shame, no one should hear or know 
anything about me. I would immure myself in a corner, 
and there study alone for my own profit. If this matter 



CLXIV. LETTER TO THE POPE. 

is not of God, it will not certainly be to my honor, nor to 
the honor of any man, but will come to naught." 

The second letter, dated May 30th, 1518, runs thus : 
" I hear, most holy father, that evil reports are circulated 
concerning me, and that my name is in bad odour with 
your holiness and your household. The report is that I 
have attempted to lessen the power of the keys, and the 
authority of the supreme bishop. I am called heretic, a 
schismatic, an apostate, and all manner of hard names, yes 
and I am condemned as an impudent fellow and eve-n a 
blasphemer. I am obliged to see what astonishes, and 
hear what alarms me. But I have one great comfort, my 
conscience does not condemn me, and this is the rock of 
my joy. But I will pass on to the thing itself, and I hope 
your holiness will hear me, who am so unskilful in these 
things, yea, I am but a child, and need instruction. With- 
in these few days past, commenced the preaching of the 
apostolical indulgence, or jubilee, and this thing has come 
to such a pass, that the preachers of indulgences think 
that they can say what they please under the protection 
of your holiness' name, (with which they alarm and 
terrify the people,) and they have got so far that they 
teach all manner of foolish things, and even ungod- 
ly, blasphemous and heretical lies, by which they 
bring shame and contempt upon the spiritual govern- 
ment. * * * 

And they are not satisfied to speak without shame and 
pour out their poison, but have published and circulated 
among the people a little book, in which they establish and 



LETTER TO THE POPE. CLXV. 

confirm their heretical and profane lies. And they try to 
make it the duty of the confessors, by an oath to teach the 
same things. While every letter of their book stinks of 
their avarice and selfishness, I will not hold my peace. I 
speak the truth, and not one of them can defend himself, 
or can deny my statements, for their book is at hand, but 
they still go on as the prophet Micah says, chap. iii. 'And 
I said, hear I pray you, O ! heads of Jacob, and ye princes 
of the house of Israel : is it not for you to know judg- 
ment ? Who hate the good and lose the evil, who pluck 
otf their skin from off them, and their flesh from off their 
bones. Who also eat the flesh of my people, and flay 
their skin from off them, and they break their bones, and 
chop them in pieces. Thus saith the Lord unto the proph- 
ets, that make my people err, that bite with their teeth, and 
cry peace. Hear this ye heads of the house of Jacob.' " 

This severe and cutting reproof Luther applied to the 
heads of the church ! It must have fallen like a clap of 
thunder upon the pope's ears ! 

He then proceeds, " Nothing is heard in all the taverns 
but complaints of the avarice of the priests, attacks on the 
power of the keys. I call all Germany to witness. When 
I heard these things, my zeal was aroused for the glory of 
Christ — if I understand my own heart, my young ana 
warm blood was inflamed. I represented the matter to 
certain princes of the church, but some laughed at me and 
others turned a deaf ear. The terror of your name makes 
all powerless. Thereupon I published this dispute. This 
then holy father is the action that has been said to set the 



CLXVI. LETTER TO THE POPE. 

whole world in a flame. And now what am I to do ? I 
cannot retract what I have said, and yet I see that this pub- 
lication draws down upon me on all sides an inexpressible 
hatred. I have no wish to appear in the great world — for 
I am unlearned and have but little genius or talents, and 
am far too inconsiderable for such great matters, more es- 
pecially in this illustrious age, when Cicero himself, if he 
were living would be constrained to hide himself in some 
dark corner. But in order to appease my enemies and 
satisfy my friends, I here publish my thoughts. I publish 
them, holy father, that I may dwell the more safely under 
your protection. All those who desire it may here see, 
with what simplicity of heart I have petitioned the supreme 
authority of the church to instruct me, and what respect I 
have manifested for the power of the keys. If I had not 
acted with propriety, it would have been impossible that 
the serene lord Frederick, duke and elector of Saxony 
who shines foremost among the friends of the apostolic and 
christian truth, should have endured, that one so dangerous 
as I am said to be, should continue in his University of 
Wittenberg. Therefore most holy father, I throw myself 
at the feet of your holiness and submit myself to you, with 
all that I have and all that I am. Destroy my cause, or 
espouse it ; pronounce either for or against me. Take my 
life or restore it, as you please ; I will receive your voice 
as that of Christ himself, who presides in and speaks 
through you. If I have deserved death, I refuse not to die. 

The earth is the Lord's and the fulness thereof. May he 

be praised forever and ever. Amen," 



EFFORTS OF ROME TO INJURE LUTHER. CLXVII. 

Thus spoke Luther to the pope, in 1518, but afterwards, 
when he found out that the pope was as bad as the other 
prelates, he spoke differently. Look at his language to 
the pope when explaining the Theses : 

" I care little what pleases or displeases the pope. He 
is a man like other men. There have been many popes 
who have not only taken up with errors and vices, but 
things yet more extraordinary. I listen to the pope as 
pope, that is, when he speaks in the canons, or regulates 
any matter conjointly with a council, but not when he 
speaks his own mind." And again, " The pope holds a 
rod of iron, and thus offers himself to the view of chris- 
tians, not as a tender father, but as an awful tyrant." 
Such language had never before been used in reference to 
the supreme pontiff! 

The letter accompanied by the Theses, and these severe 
remarks, was dated Trinity Sunday, 1518. 

But Rome had already marked Luther for her victim. 
The first thing the pope did, was an attempt to deprive 
Luther of the protection of his friend and patron, the 
Elector of Saxony. In April, 1518, the Cardinal Raphael 
de Rovera, wrote a letter to the Elector, in the name of 
pope. This letter I have not been able to find, but I take 
it for granted, that such a letter was written, from the Elec- 
tor's reply which is now before me. The Elector ac- 
knowledges the receipt of Cardinal Rovera's letter, written 
April 3d, 1518, and received July 7th, of the same year. 
The Elector says, in reply to the pope, " that he would 
never do anything that would in any way injure the holy 



CLXV1II. EFFORTS OF ROME TO INJURE LUTHER. 

universal church." But at the same time he says, " 1 
never did, nor do I now, find myself able to refute Dr. 
Luther's sermons or writings." Luther had some intima- 
tion of the contents of this letter, for on the 15th of April, 
he preached a sermon at Wittenberg. In this sermon he 
referred to the threatened excommunication of the pope. 
" No one," says he, " can reconcile the fallen soul to God, 
but the Lord. No one can separate a man from commu- 
nion with God, but man himself, and that by his own sins. 
Blessed is that man who dies under an unjust sentence of 
excommunication. Whilst, for righteousness' sake, he 
suffers a cruel judgment from men, he receives from God 
the crown of everlasting happiness." D'Aubigne says, 
" Some loudly commended this bold language, others were 
yet more enraged by it. But Luther did not stand alone ; 
and though his faith needed no other support than that of 
God himself, he had called up on all sides a power that 
protected him from his enemies. The voice of this man 
had been heard by the whole German nation. From his 
sermons and writings issued beams of light, which awa- 
kened and illuminated his cotemporaries. The energy of 
his faith rushed like streams of fire upon the frozen hearts 
of men. The life which God had given to this extraordi- 
nary man, was imparted to the dead body of the church." 
Luther was now the man of his age, every eye was di- 
rected towards Wittenberg. Every sermon he preached 
electrified the nation. The human mind was stirred to its 
inmost core. The old and time honored ceremonies and 
errors of the church, were rapidly falling away. Rome 



LUTHER SUMMONED TO APPEAR AT ROME. CLXIX. 

had already taken the alarm. The Emperor of the Ro- 
man empire, Maximilian, was then holding a diet at Augs- 
burg. The Sultan Selim, the Turkish Emperor, after be- 
ing successful in his wars in Egypt, Syria and Armenia, it 
was feared might invade Germany and Hungary. This 
was one object for which the convention or diet was called ; 
another was this, the emperor was old and infirm, and he 
wished to have his grandson, Charles, king of Spain and 
Naples, installed Emperor of the Roman empire, Fred- 
erick, of Saxony, was opposed to the election of Charles 
to this high station. While the emperor and princes were 
at Augsburg, Luther would of course be the object of 
many remarks, some in his favor, others against him. 
Maximilian, in order to win the pope over to his side, 
wrote a letter to his holiness, urging him to put an end to 
the disputes which had excited all Germany, and declaring 
his willingness to carry any measure the pope might pro- 
pose, into prompt execution. The complaints of Luther's 
enemies, and the emperor's letter, seemed to have roused 
the attention of the pope. He found that Luther was no 
drunken German monk, and that the thing could no longer 
be tolerated. The Roman Catholic church had never had 
any difficulty in extirpating her enemies, and of course 
none was now to be apprehended. Luther was to be 
treated, as all others who had dared to think for themselves 
had been, he was not to be reasoned with, but punished. 
On the 7th of August, 1518, Luther received a summons 
to appear at Rome. This summons seemed to trouble 

every other person at Wittenberg more than Luther him- 
8 



CLXX. POPE'S INSTRUCTIONS TO LUTHER S BISHOP. 

self. He seemed calm and tranquil amid the raging ston* 
" God is God," was his motto. All he wanted was to have 
his case tried in Germany. To Rome his friends would 
not permit him to go, for they all remembered the fate of 
John Huss. Spalatin, the elector, and the University, all 
remonstrated with the pope against Luther's going to Rome. 
They had no objections to his being tried in Germany before 
any tribunal, but they did not want him to go to Rome. 
The letters of Spalatin and the members of the University 
are now before me, but as we have so many other things 
to present, we will pass them by. These letters show how 
high Luther stood in Germany. Cardinal Cajetan was 
still in Germany trying to excite a war against the Turks, 
and he no doubt requested to have the settlement of this 
little difficulty committed to his hands. On the 23d of 
August, the pope commissioned his legate Cajetan to set- 
tle the difficulty with Luther. 

This letter we will translate in order to show our read- 
ers the merciful spirit of popery. " As it has come to our 
ears that a certain fellow by the name of Martin Luther, a 
monk of the Order of St. Augustine, has taught some er- 
rors contrary and injurious to the holy Catholic church ; 
and as he has published some infamous and scandalous 
books — and as he is stubborn and disobedient, and will not 
hear the holy Roman church, which is the mistress of the 
faith — and as we wished to punish his stupidity and wick- 
edness in a fatherly manner, we requested our dear brother 
Jerome, bishop of Asculan, that he would cause the afore- 
said Martin Luther to appear before him and be examined 



pope's instructions to luther's bishop, clxxi. 

on the articles in question, and punish him accordingly. 
But we have recently been informed that the said Martin 
Luther has abused our kindness and compassion, and has 
become more stupid, and that he has become more stub- 
born and haughty in his evil ways and heresies, and that 
he has published other errors which have not a little 
alarmed our mind. Therefore by virtue of our episcopal 
office, in order to meet these heresies, and prevent the poi- 
son from spreading — we authorize you by these presence, 
as soon as you receive this writing without delay to force 
and compel the said Luther, who has already been declared 
a heretic by Jerome, bishop of Asculan, to appear before 
you. And to accomplish this you will call in the aid of 
our dear son Maximilian, the emperor, and all the poten- 
tates of Germany, and when you have taken him and got 
him into your power, you will secure him well until you 
hear further from us — that he may appear before us, and 
the Apostolic See. But if he comes before you in a state 
of penitence and acknowledges his errors, and asks pardon 
for his wickedness, we authorize you to receive him to the 
bosom of the church which never closes her arms to any 
who will return. But if he should persist in his stubborn- 
ness and resist the civil power, and you should not be able 
to get possession of his person, we give you power to pro- 
scribe him in all places in Germany. We give you power 
to curse him and all his followers, and publicly to excom- 
municate him — and to call upon all christians to consider 
him cursed and excommunicated. And in order the more 
speedily to extirpate this poison, you will excommunicate 



CLXXII. THE POPES INTERDICT. 

all the prelates, religionists, orders, universities, communi- 
ties, counts, dukes and princes, (the emperor Maximilian 
excepted,) who shall neglect or refuse to seize the said 
Martin Luther, and his followers, and send them to you 
under proper custody. But should (which may God for- 
bid) the above mentioned princes, &c, shelter the said 
Martin Luther and his followers, or give them publicly or 
privately, directly or indirectly, aid or advice, we lay an 
interdict on those princes, &c, with their town boroughs, 
countries and villages, where the said Martin Luther shall 
take refuge, as long as he shall remain there, and three 
days afterwards. As to the laity, if they do not obey your 
orders, without any delay or hesitation, we declare them 
reprobate, unable to perform any lawful act — they shall be 
denied christian burial, and deprived of all feoffs which 
they may hold either from the Apostolic See, or from any 
lord whatever.' ' 

This tremendous bull, six months prior to this time, 
would have thrown all Germany into convulsions ; it would 
have been considered the greatest calamity that could have 
fallen upon a poor superstitious and pope-ridden land — but 
now it fell harmless at the feet of an humble priest at Wit- 
tenberg. Such had been the change in the public mind in 
less than one year ! Thus Rome had made bare her strong 
arm, that arm against which no earthly power had been 
able to stand for centuries. Luther was to be crushed at 
once. But the humble monk of Erfurt was protected by 
an arm stronger than Rome — God was with him, and all 
the power and ingenuity of Rome could not crush him 



MELANCTHON COMPARED WITH LUTHER. CLXXIII. 

The position of Luther at this time is more sublime than 
that occupied by any other man that ever lived ! It was 
at this juncture of time that Luther and Melancthon be- 
came acquainted with each other. This circumstance had 
a powerful influence upon the Reformation. Melancthon 
arrived at Wittenberg on the 25th of August, 1518. Luther 
was at first disappointed when he saw Melancthon, but he 
soon changed his mind, and ever after looked upon him as 
the greatest man living. And Melancthon loved Luther 
with a brother's devotion. In Luther he saw a moral 
power, and a grasp of intellect that he had never before 
seen; he says, "if there be any one that I love and em- 
brace with my whole heart, it is Martin Luther." Such 
were the feelings of the two greatest men of the sixteenth 
century. They were both men of extraordinary piety and 
talents, and although their talents were widely different, 
they labored together in harmony. Some are under the 
impression that Melancthon had greater talents and more 
learning than Luther. But this is not the case, this im- 
pression has perhaps been made by the Roman Catholics 
after the Diet at Augsburg in 1530. Melanchton on that 
occasion seemed more willing than Luther to be reconciled 
to the Roman church, and this raised him in their estima- 
tion. The Reformation never would have been brought 
about without Luther, all other men were only secondary 
agents in that great work. Luther was the starter of the 
project, and the ruling spirit as long as he lived, all eyes 
were directed to him, and when he died there was none to 
take his place. Luther as we have already seen was bold. 



CLXXIV. CAJETAN AND LUTHER. 

daring, impetuous, and energetic. Melancthon was the 
reverse, fearful, timorous and gentle, almost to a fault. 
" Luther communicated vigor to Melancthon, Melancthon 
moderated Luther." They were like the positive and ne- 
gative agents in electricity, by whose reciprocal action an 
equilibrium is maintained. If Melancthon had not been 
at Luther's side, the torrent might have overflowed its 
banks ; when Luther was not by, Melancthon faltered and 
gave way even when he ought not. Both were upright, 
open-hearted and generous ; both full of love for the word 
of eternal life, and both proclaimed it with a fidelity and 
devotion, which governed their whole lives. It would be 
interesting no doubt to the reader to have, in this connexion, 
a short account of Melancthon, but our limits will not ad • 
mit a digression. We esteem him a very great man, but 
inferior to Luther. But to proceed ; early in the fall of 
1518, Luther received the summons from cardinal Cajetan 
to appear before him at Augsburg. Luther's friends all 
became alarmed and tried to prevent his going thither. 
But as it was the wish of his protector Frederick, duke 
of Saxony, he felt it his duty to go, let the result be what 
it might. He feared no man on earth. Cardinal Cajetan 
was a man in high repute for learning and piety, but he 
was the Vicar-General of the Dominicans, and was there- 
fore not the man to settle this difficulty. For the Domini- 
cans were all opposed to Luther. Luther says afterwards 
in 1520, in a letter to the pope, "With a single word the 
difficulty might have been settled at Augsburg, as I had 
then promised to be silent, if silence were imposed upon 



CAJETAN AND LUTHER. CLXXV. 

my enemies, (i. e. the Dominicans,) but this ambitious man 
was not satisfied with this." The cardinal who was an 
Italian, had 'such high notions of the pope, that he thought 
Luther would soon submit, but in this he was mistaken — 
he thought too that the Germans were a set of ignorant 
and stupid fellows, but before he was done with Luther he 
found out his error. He himself was reputed the most 
learned man at Rome, but he found himself a very small 
man by the side of Luther. The conference between Ca- 
jetan and Luther is fully given by D'Aubigne, we will 
therefore not enter so fully into it. 

Luther started on foot for Augsburg, on the 28th of Sep- 
tember he reached Weimar, this was the city where the 
elector of Saxony held his court. Luther spent the Sab- 
bath here and preached a sermon from Matt, xviii. 1 — 11. 
Luther then started on foot for Nuremberg, where he bor- 
rowed a monk's frock from his friend Wenceslaus Link, 
his own being rather shabby. Two men from Nuremberg, 
Link and Leonard, an Augustinian monk, accompanied 
Vither; when about fifteen miles from Augsburg, Luther 
got very sick, his friends became much alarmed and hired 
a carriage to take him on. Luther reached Augsburg on 
the 7th of October. On the 8th, Urban de Serra Longa, 
one of Cajetan's courtiers, came to sound Luther— but he 
found that nothing would be done. Luther as yet had no 
safe conduct, his friends Peutinger, Langemantel Adelmann 
and Dr. Auerbach, Counsellors at Law, insisted upon his 
demanding a safe conduct. As the emperor Maximilian 
was yet in the neighborhood of Augsburg, a safe conduct 



CLXXVI. CAJETAN AND LUTHER. 

was obtained, no doubt by the request of Cajetan himself 
as he then had no doubt at all of bringing Luther to sub- 
mission very soon. 

On one occasion, Urban de Longa said to Luther, "you 
imagine no doubt that the elector will take up arms in your 
favor." " Not at all," says Luther. Then says Urban, 
" when all forsake you where will you take refuge?" Lu- 
ther made a Spartan, yea more than a Spartan reply, 
" Vel sub coelo vel in coelo," (either under heaven, or in 
heaven.) The poor Italian hypocrite was amazed at such 
a reply, he was not able to enter into the sublime thoughts 
of the noble Saxon. On Tuesday the 11th of October, 
Luther made his appearance before the haughty legate of 
the pope, who was by virtue of his office then the pope's 
representative, and the same honor was to be paid to him 
which belonged to the Roman pontiff himself. He entered 
the cardinal's palace without fear, he was not the man who 
was afraid of flesh and blood. The amount of the first 
meeting was, that the cardinal and Luther disputed about 
certain points — the cardinal wanted Luther to retract, and 
Luther declared he would not unless he was convinced 
from the word of God that he was in error. They met 
again and again, and before the conferences were over the 
cardinal found that such another man as Luther he had 
never met. Luther frequently confounded him, and raised 
the laugh against his eminence. On this occasion, Luther 
showed much of his learning and invincible courage. Lu- 
ther at last got permission to present his views in writing, 
this he did, but the legate wanted him to recant not to ar- 



LUTHER APPEALS TO THE POPE BETTER INFORMED. CLXXVII. 

gue the point. When the legate found he could not influ- 
ence Luther to recant by threatenings or promises, he dis- 
missed him with the harsh command that he should never 
appear before him again until he was willing to recant. 
Thus ended Luther's first contest with the pope. But the 
effects of this conference were tremendous, all Germany 
felt interested in the fate of Luther, all looked for his death, 
but he had thus far triumphed as to return to Wittenberg. 
The pope for once was baffled, there was now some hope 
for human liberty ! This occurrence helped on the Refor- 
mation very much. 

On the 20th of October, Luther left Augsburg early in 
the morning, but before he left, he appealed from the pope 
ill informed, to the pope better informed. He had met the 
powers of Rome and vanquished them, and his departure 
assured the cardinal that he would not hold his peace un- 
til he had shaken the very pillars of the papal throne ! 
The conference between Luther and Cajetan, gives us a 
splendid exhibition of the Reformer's talents, and fearless 
intrepidity. At one time, when the crafty Italian could 
not maintain his position by argument, he attempted to in- 
timidate the noble Saxon by his loud and boisterous volu- 
bility, he raved and stormed for half an hour in the most 
boisterous manner, so that Luther could not get in a word. 
Luther saw through the whole trick, and the next time he 
appeared before the legate, he was determined to pay him 
in his own coin. The conference had scarcely com- 
menced when the legate attempted the same game ; but 
Luther raised his tremendous voice, and paying no atten- 
8* 



I ^XXVIII. LUTHER APPEALS TO THE POPE BETTER INFORMED. 

Hon to anything the legate said, poured such a torrent of 
words forth, that the haughty Italian was glad to give up 
that mode of argument ! No wonder Cajetan replied to 
Link, when he requested the cardinal to renew the con- 
troversy with Luther, " Ego nolo amplius cum hac bestia 
loqui, habet enim profundos oculos et mirabiles specula- 
tions in capite suo." (I do not wish to speak any more 
with this wild beast, for he has penetrating eyes, and strange 
thoughts flit across his brains.) Luther, as we stated above, 
left Augsburg early in the morning of the 20th of Octo- 
ber. After a fatiguing journey of eleven days, he reached 
Wittenberg on the 31st of October, just one year after he 
took the first step in the great work of the Reformation. 
The joy of the citizens, professors and students at Wit- 
tenberg, was unbounded. When Luther first went to Wit- 
tenberg, in 1508, the University contained less than an 
hundred students, in 1516 it had increased to two hun- 
dred, but in 1518 the number was nearly eight hundred. 
This shows the unbounded popularity of Luther; he was 
indeed the great man of his age ! 

Cajetan, as may well be supposed, was mortified when 
he found that his plans were frustrated. He immediately 
wrote to the Elector of Saxony, urging him to send Lu- 
ther at once to Rome, or to drive him from his dominions. 
This letter was sent to the Reformer by Frederick, and it 
induced Luther to send a correct statement of the whole 
conference at Augsburg. This was a masterly statement, 
and it made a deep and favorable impression upon the 
Elector's mind, so much so, that he became more warmly 



LUTHER DETERMINES TO LEAVE WITTENBERG. CLXXIX. 

attached to Luther than ever. He immediately wrote to 
the pope, and informed his holiness that it could not be ex- 
pected that a man like Luther should retract his opinions, 
unless he was in error, and that if he was wrong, surely 
there was learning enough at Rome to refute his errors ; 
and stated very positively that under existing circum* 
stances he could not expel him from his dominions, 01 
send him to Rome. The Lord influenced the heart of this 
great prince to protect Luther, just at the time he needed 
his assistance. Luther had now a little leisure to review 
his conduct during the past year, and to contemplate calm- 
ly his true position and prospects ! Everything seemed 
dark and gloomy, and a heart less brave and stout than 
his would have sunk under such appalling circumstances. 
But he never shrank from duty, he felt that he must de- 
fend the truth as it is in Jesus, come what will. Still he 
saw that at Wittenberg he could not remain, he knew that 
his remaining at Wittenberg would endanger the peace of 
his beloved sovereign, perhaps involve him in a war. As 
to his own life, that never seemed to give him any uneasi- 
ness. He therefore, made up his mind that he would 
leave Germany, and go to France, where he might, with 
many other learned doctors that were then under the cen- 
sures of Rome, enjoy the liberty for which his soul longed. 
The University of Paris had appealed to a general coun- 
cil, Luther had done the same at Augsburg, and he very 
naturally expected the doctors of Paris to sympathise with 
him in his difficulties. 



CLXXX. ROME IN TROUBLE. 

When Luther communicated his intentions to his fellow 
professors at Wittenberg, they were filled with deep and 
heartfelt sorrow ; they of course remonstrated, but in vain, 
he had made up his mind. Luther had even gone so far, 
as to inform the congregation at Wittenberg that he in- 
tended to leave them, and affectionately commended them 
to the protection of heaven. But before he took his de- 
parture, he received a letter from his sovereign that he 
should remain where he was, until further informed. The 
conference at Augsburg, as may readily be supposed, pro- 
duced considerable excitement at Rome. What, thought 
the proud mistress of the world, shall a poor monk of Ger- 
many defy and baffle all the learning and power of the pope 
and cardinals ? In every conflict he had come away the 
conqueror, this was too bad, too humiliating, he must now 
be crushed at once, his proud spirit must yield — the pope 
issued a bull, in which the sale of indulgences was recog- 
nized as being in accordance with the doctrines of the 
church. This was intended as a death-blow against Lu- 
ther, but like all the thunders of the Vatican, it fell harm- 
less at his feet! No earthly power could move him! 

Rome saw her error in appointing De Vio, or Cajetan, 
who was the chief of the Dominicans, to settle this dif- 
ficulty. Leo X. became more and more alarmed every 
day — Luther was gaining strength, and every effort of his 
mighty mind, made the papal throne totter and shake. 

Charles von Miltitz, a German nobleman, a gentleman 
of fine talents and polished manners, was sent to Germany 
early in the year 1519, to reduce the refractory monk. In 



THE NOBLE CONDUCT OF THE ELECTOR OF SAXONY. CLXXXI. 

order to conciliate the favor of the elector of Saxony, and 
thus facilitate his labors, he was commissioned to present 
that prince a consecrated golden rose, which was considered 
a mark of the pope's favor. Frederick had for years so- 
licited this favor, but now when it came in the form of a 
bribe, he cared but little about it. He was too good and 
honest a man to be influenced in this way. He positively 
refused to do anything against Luther. " Convince him that 
he is wrong," says the noble hearted elector, " and he will 
retract as he has promised." Luther and Miltitz met at 
Altenburg. 

It may be proper to state at this point that before the ne- 
gotiations of Miltitz properly commenced, an event in the 
providence of God occurred which considerably changed 
the aspect of things. This was the death of the emperor 
Maximilian, he expired on the 12th of January, 1519. 
Frederick, elector of Saxony, thus became by virtue of the 
Germanic constitution ex-officio emperor of the German 
empire. This increased the political importance of Fred- 
erick, and as the pope had other matters in view at the 
time besides the surpression of heresy, he did not feel dis- 
posed to fall out with the administrator of the empire. The 
pope at once relaxed his severe measures, and the Refor- 
mation gained strength every day. Luther says, referring 
to this period, " the tempest was hushed and the papal 
excommunication was thought light of." 

John Tetzel at this time lived at Leipsic; Miltitz sum- 
moned him to appear before him, and give an account of 
the shameful manner in which he had spoken of the efficacy 



CLXXXII. MILTITZ AND LUTHER. 1519 

of indulgences — this was only a scheme to lull Luther. 
But Luther was not so easily gulled, he knew his man. 
And before Miltitz was done with Luther he knew some- 
thing about him too. 

As Luther entered the room in the house of Spalatin, in 
Altenburg, Miltitz received him very politely and addressed 
him thus : " Is it possible that this can be the man, of whom 
I have heard so much, who has drawn all the world after 
him, and deprived the pope of some of his most important 
adherents ? Why Martin, when I heard of your fame, of 
your learning, at the inns as I travelled, I thought you were 
some crusty old theologian sitting by the fire side, whereas 
I find you in the prime and vigor of life. I perceive you 
are so favored by the people that, had I brought twenty- 
five thousand armed men, I could not force you to Rome ! 
But this is not to be thought of, it is for pacific measures I 
am sent to consult. After we have settled our differences 
it would be a pleasant thing if you would take it into your 
head to return with me to Rome. It is a pity you do not 
know Leo ; your prejudices would melt away before him." 
Luther replied, "I have no prejudices against the pope, in- 
dependently of his measures, on the contrary, a most earn- 
est desire to be at peace with all the world, I have been 
driven into these broils by mere necessity." 

"Just what I have always said," replied the nobleman, 
"and what the pope himself thinks. In the beginning of 
this business, he said to Dr. Eck who complained of you, 
brother Martin is a man of fine genius." Luther was on 
his guard, he weighed every word he uttered, yet he was 



MILTITZ AND LUTHER. CLXXXIII. 

bo far influenced by the mildness of the courtier as to write 
a submissive letter to the pope. For this his enemies have 
reproached him, and branded him as a hypocrite. We 
will here subjoin Luther's letter to the pope: 

"Most Holy Father! May your holiness condescend 
to incline your paternal ear, which is that of Christ him- 
self, towards your poor sheep, and listen with kindness to 
his bleating ! What shall I do most holy father ! I can- 
not stand against the torrent of your anger, and I know no 
way of escape. They require of me, that I should retract. 
I would be prompt to do so, if that could lead to the result 
they desire. But the persecutions of my enemies have 
spread my writings far and wide, and they are too deeply 
engraven upon the hearts of men to be erased. A retrac- 
tion would only still more dishonor the church of Rome, 
and call forth from all a cry of accusation against her. 
Most holy father, I declare it, in the presence of God, and 
of all the world, I never have sought, nor will I ever seek, 
to weaken by force or artifice, the power of the Roman 
church or of your holiness. I confess that there is noth- 
ing in heaven or earth that should be preferred above the 
church, save only Jesus Christ, the Lord of all; therefore 
your holiness will please not to listen to foul-mouthed 
slanderers, who say other things of Luther. And I will 
cheerfully promise your holiness, that I will drop the mat- 
ter of indulgences and keep silent on that subject, provided 
my enemies do the same." 

This letter breathes the sentiments of Luther, personally 
he could have nothing against the pope, and if his enemies, 



CLXXXIV. JOHN TETZEL DIES. 

who were all those who sold indulgences, would quit the 
abominable traffic that had roused his soul into action, 
would he have any cause to complain ? His point would 
then be gained. Cajetan and Miltitz were not satisfied 
with Luther's concessions. This very fact shows that 
they did not then, in the estimation of the papal party, 
amount to any thing. The only difficulty now was to get 
him away from the protection of Frederick, the elector of 
Saxony. They therefore endeavored to get him to Treves. 
Miltitz invited him thither on the 3d of May, but Luther 
being aware of their object refused to go. Miltitz in the 
end, like his predecessor, accomplished nothing. The only 
thing he did was to break the heart of poor old Tetzel, 
whom he visited at Leipsic, and in looking over the account 
of his indulgence money found him a defaulter to a large 
amount, and repremanded him so sharply that Tetzel took 
sick and soon after died, a poor outcast from God and man. 
It is said of Luther, when he heard of the illness of John 
Tetzel, that he wrote a kind letter to him, and thus showed 
the goodness of his heart to his bitterest enemy. It is 
said by some that he even visited him personally, but there 
seems to be no proof of this. After the conference with 
Miltitz, the court of Rome was so much engaged with po- 
litical matters, that Luther seems to have been forgotten. 
He continued his labors as preacher and professor at Wit- 
tenberg. And as he had appealed to Rome for a General 
Council, we must wait a while to see the result of that ap- 
peal, and the political fogs which have gathered over Eu- 
rope must first subside. In the meantime Luther's repu- 



THE FAMOUS DISCUSSION AT LEIPSIC. CLXXXV. 

tation spread all over Europe — the fame of the University 
was getting greater every day. There were at this time 
eight hundred students at Wittenberg, and the choice stu- 
dents of Germany. 

We will now direct your attention to the celebrated de- 
bate of Leipsic. This is perhaps the most famous debate 
of the sixteenth century, and is exceedingly interesting. 
Luther himself gave the elector of Saxony a minute and 
correct account of the whole proceeding. Dr. Eck, a pro- 
fessor at the University of Ingoldstadt, of high repute for 
eloquence and sophistry, and a warm advocate of popery. 
This man had been on terms of friendship with Luther, 
and as he was considered the most powerful debater of his 
age, he looked with a jealous eye upon the wide-spread 
fame of the learned professor of Wittenberg. Eck it would 
seem had full confidence in the powers of his eloquence 
to floor any man in Germany ; he had been engaged in 
many a hard fought scholastic battle and had carried away 
the prize in Hungary and Lombardy. Luther's rising fame 
offended the proud orator, and he was determined to meet 
him in debate, and with him to meet an enemy was to con- 
quer. Dr. Eck had published his "obelisks," in which he 
reflected severely upon Luther, who according to the ar- 
rangements entered into between himself and Miltitz, was 
not to reply. And it is supposed to have been the desire 
of Frederick of Saxony, that Luther should keep quiet for 
a while. But Andrew Bodenstein, or as he is often called 
Dr. Carlstadt, a man of more impetuosity than judgment, 



CLXXXVI. DISCUSSION AT LEIPSIC. 

replied to Dr. Eck's "obelisks," and this led to the con- 
troversy at Leipsic. Eck did not care much about Carl- 
stadt, Luther was the man he had in view, Carlstadt seemed 
too small game for him. Before the preliminaries of the 
discussion were fully settled, Eck put forth thirteen propo- 
sitions or Theses, which bore directly upon Luther. Lu- 
ther wrote to Eck and informed him that he would take up 
his challenge and meet him at Leipsic. The truce was at 
an end, for Luther had only promised in his letter to the 
pope, to be silent on condition that his enemies would do 
the same. He wrote to duke George, within whose do- 
minions Leipsic was, for permission to hold this discussion. 
As the supremacy of the pope was the main subject, the 
duke who was a warm friend of popery, and as he knew 
something about Luther's powers of controversy, (for he 
had had a specimen at Dresden,) he refused his consent. 
Luther then made up his mind to attend the discussion be- 
tween Carlstadt and Eck at all events, and conduct himself 
according to circumstances. Luther was not the man to 
back out. Duke George was very anxious that the discus- 
sion between Eck and Carlstadt should go on. But he 
seems to have feared Luther, and perhaps had been urged 
on by De Vio and Miltitz, to refuse his consent to the dis- 
cussion between Luther and Eck. 

On the 24th of June, Luther, Melancthon, Carlstadt, 
duke Barnim, of Pomerania, who was then a student at 
Wittenberg, John Lange, Nicholas Amsdorff, and about 
two hundred students from Wittenberg arrived at Leipsic. 
EcV and his party had been at Leipsic several days. As 



DISCUSSION AT LEIPSIC. CLXXXVII. 

soon as Eck learned that Luther had arrived, he visited the 
Doctor of Wittenberg, and the conversation that passed 
between them on this occasion, shows plainly that Eck did 
not care so much about meeting Carlstadt in debate as Lu- 
ther. 

The following conversation took place : 

Eck. How is this doctor, I understand you refuse to 
dispute with me ? 

Luther. How can I, since the duke forbids me ? 

Eck. If I cannot dispute with you, I shall take very lit- 
tle interest in discussing with Carlstadt — for it is to dis- 
pute with you that I have come to this place. If I get the 
duke's consent, will you take the field ? 

Luther. Yes, only get the duke's permission and we will 
meet. 

Dr. Eck waited upon the duke and urged him to give 
his consent. "It is proper," said he, " that the arguments 
should bear upon the principal party — if Luther be un- 
humbled, every thing is still to be done ; if he is overcome 
all is at an end." And after Eck assured the duke repeat- 
edly that he could defend the pope's supremacy against any 
thing Luther or any other person could say, his consent 
was obtained. Luther was delighted with the idea of floor- 
ing Dr. Eck. 

The discussion between Carlstadt and Eck commenced 
on the 25th of June, 1519. The dispute between them, 
Luther says, lasted eight days, chiefly on metaphysical 
points, on the freedom of the will, and its cognate doctrines. 
In this long debate Carlstadt maintained his positions nobly. 



CLXXXVIII. DISCUSSION AT LEIPSIC. 

At length on the 4th of July, Luther and Eck got into close 
quarters. The excitement in Leipsic was very great, the 
primacy of the pope was to be discussed in the midst of a 
Romish and highly excited population, and the pope was 
according to the agreement of the debaters to be the um- 
pire. What hope could Luther have of success when the 
whole population, the duke, the professors, and all were 
against him ? Eck had formerly boasted of the strength 
of his memory—he would not agree in the discussion with 
Carlstadt, that any books should be used — and on a meta- 
physical subject such as the will and its moral powers, his 
sophistry would be of great service to him, even if his 
memory was not so good. But when he got into contact 
with Luther, on a different subject, where historical and 
dogmatical facts were required he found it quite different. 
He had encountered many a learned doctor, but such a doc- 
tor as Luther he had never met. He found that Luther re- 
membered more than he had ever read. On one occasion, 
Eck undertook to establish his position by a quotation from 
one of the fathers. The fathers, said Luther, are not op- 
posed to me — they say as I do; and Luther quoted St. Au- 
gustine and St. Ambrose, so fully, so correctly, and so 
pointedly, that Eck became alarmed and was driven from 
his position by his own weapons, in such a manner as at 
once to convince every intelligent man in the house, that 
he was not able to cope with the great Doctor of Witten- 
berg. "Ah," says Eck, "you see the learned Doctor of 
Wittenberg has entered upon this discussion after having 
prepared himself well for it. You must excuse me if I 



MEANNESS OF DR. ECK. CLXXXIX. 

should not be able to produce so much learning as he." 
This was a very humiliating confession to come from the 
ablest debater in the papal church, the great popish bully 
who had most ardently sought for an opportunity to hum- 
ble the pride of Luther. The fact is Luther was no better 
prepared on the subject now under discussion than on any 
other. Dr. Eck was fairly at his wit's end, he was a used 
up man, and he never after sought an opportunity to hum- 
ble the pride of Luther. No wonder he said that Luther 
had a devil under his gown. When he was fairly floored, 
and lay as it were at the mercy of his powerful antagonist, 
and found he could not maintain his position any longer, he 
resorted to the mean and contemptible expedient of excit- 
ing the prejudices of the Romish audience against his con- 
queror, by calling him a Hussite and a Bohemian ! This 
produced quite an excitement against Luther, but Eck in the 
end made but little out of it. The subject of the pope's 
supremacy occupied four days. 

On the 8th of July, they commenced the subject of pur- 
gatory. Luther at this time himself believed in purgatory, 
but he denied that the doctrine was taught either in the 
Bible or by the early fathers. It was while discussing this 
point that he said of Dr. Eck, "my learned opponent runs 
over Scripture, as a spider runs over water without touch- 
ing it." 

On the 11th of July, they came to the doctrine of in- 
dulgences. Here Eck stood no chance at all. Luther 
said to Frederick of Saxony, " this part was nothing but 
child's play." Afterward the doctrines of repentance, 



CXC. EFFECTS OF THE LEIPSIC DISCUSSION. 

priests' absolution and satisfactions, were discussed. Lu- 
ther closed the debate with these words, " Dr. Eck avoids 
the Holy Scriptures, as the devil flees from before the 
cross. For my part, I prefer the authority of the word 
of God." 

This famous discussion lasted twenty-one days, and 
produced great excitement. This discussion had a great 
effect upon the progress of the Reformation. As is usual, 
each party claimed the victory. But Eck himself ac- 
knowledged that in some points he was prostrated. 

Mosellanus, who was present during the whole discus- 
sion, and took notes, says, " Eck has obtained the victory 
in the opinion of those who do not understand the ques- 
tion, and who have grown grey in scholastic studies, but 
Luther and Carlstadt remain masters of the field, in the 
judgment of those who have learning, intelligence and 
modesty." This discussion awakened the minds of men, 
as much as any one circumstance that occurred in Lu- 
ther's life time. Numbers of prominent men were brought 
over to his views, in consequence of the truths he uttered 
during the discussion; among others, Duke George, of 
Anhalt, John Sellarius, Poliander, and Caspar Cruciger, 
all men who figured conspicuously in the Reformation. 
These were but a few of Luther's trophies. Soon after 
the discussion, more than one half of all the students went 
over from Leipsic to Wittenberg. 

It is also said that this discussion was the means of in- 
teresting Melancthon, and bringing him out a more decided 
friend of the Reformation. These were part of the con- 



sequences of that lengthened war of words. Soon after 
this discussion, Dr. Eck hastened to Rome to procure Lu- 
ther's condemnation. What he had failed to accomplish 
in debate, i. e. the humbling of Luther, he thought the pope 
could do, but in this he was mistaken, for Luther was under 
the protection of a mightier power than the court of Rome. 
He was fighting the battles of the Lord, against the enemies 
of his church. 

One circumstance occurred about this time, that must 
have been painful to Luther's heart, it was this, John Stau- 
pitz, the warm and long cherished friend of Luther, being 
old, and it would seem not willing to encounter the gather- 
ing storm, withdrew from Luther and would not answer 
his letters. But in this case Luther could say, as in others, 
"God is God." 

Miltitz who had been watching with deep interest the 
Leipsic discussion, and who had expected much from the 
high reputation of Dr. Eck, was of course much disap- 
pointed with the result. In October of the same year he 
met Luther at Leibenwerd. Miltitz still thought a recon- 
ciliation must be effected between Luther and the pope, but 
finally he gave it up. 

Luther had prostrated all his enemies, there was none 
able to stand before him, God was with him. It was about 
this time he published his celebrated commentary on Paul's 
Epistle to the Galatians — this is one of his most famous 
works, and shows how much he was taken up with the 
views of St. Augustine. Subsequently however, he changed 
his views on this subject. St. Augustine was an absolute 



CXCn. STAUPITZ REFUSES TO ANSWER LUTHER S LETTERS. 

predestinarian ; these views Luther abandoned in his riper 
years. Luther was now thirty six years old, and in con- 
sequence of hard study was very lean, and had a thin face ; 
Mosellanus s-ays, "he was so thin that one could almost 
count his bones." 

We shall now introduce Luther to the emperor Charles V., 
at the Diet of Worms. This is perhaps the most thril 
lingly interesting circumstance of his whole eventful life. 
Here we see Luther in his true character, here we see 
the great model-man in contact with the highest power? 
of the earth ! 



CHAPTER VII. 



Luther, the Champion of the Truth. 

We now come to notice Luther in conflict with the high- 
est powers of the earth, and if we have admired his noble 
bearing and his invincible courage in the minor skirmishes 
in which he has been engaged, we shall admire him still 
more when we see him grappling with earth's proudest 
potentates ! 

But before we introduce Luther to the Diet of Worms, 
we must attend to a few other interesting incidents in the 
history of his eventful life, which had an important bear- 
ing upon the Reformation. After the famous discussion 
at Leipsic, Luther continued his investigations of popery, 
the light of truth shone brighter and brighter into his mind, 
he daily saw more and more of the corruptions of the 
church. He became daily more spiritual in his preaching, 
his fame increased every day, the students increased in 
number almost daily, until every house in Wittenberg was 
full of boarders. It is said that the lectures of Luther and 
Melancthon were attended by about two thousand hearers, 
not all students I presume. The following sermons and 
tracts of Luther were published in 1519 — 20. 1. A Short 
Guide to Confession. 2, A Sermon on Usury. 3. A 

Sermon on the Sufferings of Christ, advocating the use of 
9 



the cup for the laity. 4. A Sermon on Excommunication. 
5. A Sermon on Marriage. 6. Instructions respecting 
certain articles alleged against him by his enemies. 7. A 
Sermon on Prayer. 8. A Sermon preached at Leipsic. 
9. Another Sermon on Usury. 10. A Sermon on prepa- 
ration for Death. 11. An Address to the Christian No- 
bility of the German Nation. This is the most splendid 
production of Luther's pen, and for powerful reasoning 
and real genuine eloquence is not surpassed by any writer 
of ancient or modern days. We regret exceedingly that 
our limits will not permit us to translate this powerful ad- 
dress. This address did perhaps more than anything else 
to rouse the public mind of Germany. It was a mortal 
blow at the papal church. And I know of no work whose 
publication at this time would be a more powerful argu- 
ment against popery in the United States. It is said that 
in a few weeks after it was issued, 4,000 copies were sold ! 
12. A Sermon on the Mass. 13. A Sermon on the free- 
dom of a Christian man. 14. Exposition of certain arti- 
cles in the Sermon on the sufferings of Christ, or the Sac- 
rament of Christ's body. 15. Protest and Appeal. 16. 
Answer to a paper published under the seal of the official 
at Stolpen. 17. A Sermon on Good Works — this is a 
powerfully written sermon. 18. On the Papacy of Rome. 
J9. On Eck's new Bulls and Lies, 20. Against the Bulls 
of Anti-Christ. 21. Why the Pope and his Disciples 
have burnt Dr. Martin Luther's books. 22. Grounds and 
Reasons of all the Articles which are unjustly condemned 
by the Romish Bulls. 23. A short exposition of the Holy 



LUTHER S WRITINGS. CXCV. 

Lord's Prayer, comprehending both what is expressed 
and implied. 24. A short form of the Decalogue, the 
Creed, and the Lord's Prayer. 

These works can all be seen in Luther's Tomes — Tom. 
1, from page 138 — 370— -making in all about 480 folio 
pages — the leaf in Luther's Tomes, the Jena edition, count- 
ing a page. This was Luther's work in about eighteen 
months' time. This will give the reader a fair idea of the 
immense labors of Luther. And let it be remembered, 
that his writing was not as with us, like pouring water from 
one vessel into another. It was all original with him, he 
had to strike out new plans and new arguments and on 
most of his subjects he had no books to refer to. He had 
to draw upon his own resources. And these writings al- 
most in endless variety, will be read with as much interest 
now as they were three hundred years ago. There is 
nothing stale or obsolete in Luther's writings, and they are 
as well if not better adapted to the papal controversy in 
the nineteenth century, than any other works whaterer. 
Prof. C. E. Stowe, in the Biblical Repository, July 1844, 
has given a catalogue of Luther's works from Seckendorf 's 
Appendix. And the reader will be astonished to learn, 
from the works referred to, that from 1517 to 1546, Mar- 
tin Luther, in addition to all his other labors, wrote four 
hundred and fifty-three books, tracts and sermons ! Some 
of the tracts and sermons it is true were small, but others 
were quite large. And the amount of learning and know- 
ledge displayed on the various subjects handled by him 
has never been surpassed, and perhaps never equalled by 



CXCVI. ECK GOES TO ROME. 

any man. His works abound in striking and original ideas, 
and appear like an immense casket studded with the most 
brilliant and sparkling gems ! But we are not now writ- 
ing a eulogy, but a history of Luther. Perhaps we will 
give Prof. Stowe's catalogue at the end of the volume. 

Soon after the discussion at Leipsic was ended, Dr. Eck 
hastened to Rome and was joined by De Vio and other 
enemies of Luther, who all urged Luther's condemnation. 
All that had tried their hands at argument with Luther 
found him invincible, there was no debating with him as 
with other men, every weapon that was raised against him 
he broke to pieces. There was one argument more to be 
tried, and that was the thundering anathemas of Rome, but 
such was the genius of this astonishing man, that when 
that at last came it had lost its power and fell harmless at 
his feet. 

We have stated above that the emperor Maximilian was 
no more. His place had to be supplied. The candidates 
for this high office were Frederick, the elector of Saxony ; 
Charles V., king of Spain; Francis I., king of France; 
and Henry VIII., king of England. The pope was op- 
posed both to Charles and Francis, they already possessed 
too much power for him, and he would have preferred 
Frederick. The imperial crown was offered to Frederick, 
but he declined, and used his influence in electing Charles 
V. This magnanimity laid the emperor under great obli- 
gations to Frederick. He offered him 30,000 crowns but 
the noble elector refused it. The court of Rome again 
tried to influence Frederick, elector of Saxony, to with- 



1520. ADDRESS TO THE GERMAN NOBILITY. CXCVII. 

draw his protection from Luther. But the steadfast elec- 
tor refused all overtures. "Convince him that he is in er- 
ror and he will recant," was his reply to all the pope could 
say. Luther knew that the pope would condemn him. In 
June, 1520, his address to the nobility of the German na- 
tion appeared, this was intended by Luther to break the 
force of the pope's Bull, it excited the strongest sympathies 
in his behalf — such was the love for Luther and the enthu- 
siasm in his favor, that nothing could lessen his influence 
among his countrymen. On the 15th of June, 1520, the 
famous Bull against Luther was confirmed by the court of 
Rome. Luther knew this transaction as soon as the news 
could be carried to Germany, but it was not officially com- 
municated to him before October. Caraccioli and Aleander 
were commissioned to carry this Bull into execution. Dr. 
Eck came with these high functionaries and acted as their 
agent. He first published the Bull in Germany. This 
very fact was one means of weakening the effects of the 
pope's Bull. Luther attacked the Bull, not as coming 
from the pope, but as coming from Eck. Dr. Eck expected 
to meet with marks of favor everywhere in Germany, for 
the active part he had taken in the condemnation of Lu- 
ther, but during the eighteen months he had been absent, 
Luther had effected a mighty revolution in the feelings of 
the people. Eck and his Bull were everywhere treated 
with contempt. In September, 1520, Luther appealed to 
the emperor in a powerful letter, but received no hope from 
that quarter. The first thing he did after being officially 
informed of the pope's Bull, was to appeal from the sent- 



cxcvm. luther's reply to the pope's bull. 

o\ua of the pontiff to the superior authority of a general 
council, in this he appeals from his holiness as a rash, ini- 
quitous, tyrannical judge, as a hardened heretic and apos- 
tate, as an enemy, as Antichrist, and as an opposer of the 
sacred Scriptures, and as a proud and blasphemous des- 
piser of the sacred church of God." 

Soon after, he published two tracts against the pope, in 
which he turned the whole proceedings of the court of 
Rome into a ridiculous farce. He calls it Dr. Eck's 
bull. " How," says he, " can it be possible that so 
base and unchristian a composition, should be the pro- 
duction of the holy pontiff, and his learned and pious 
cardinals ? If indeed, the fact should turn out to be so, if 
indeed, the bishop of Rome should be actually found to 
rage against me in such a manner, I must then rejoice that 
I suffer in so righteous a cause." The fact is, Luther 
used very severe language, but he was provoked to it, and 
this he thought was the most successful way of meeting 
his enemies. He lived in a rude and tumultuous age, and 
wrote amid the most exciting scenes ; he was belied and 
slandered, and calumniated, and persecuted in the most 
outrageous manner, and this had a tendency to sour his 
disposition, and sharpen his pen. He knew his cause 
was just, he knew it was the cause of God, and this made 
him bold, and vigorous, and uncompromising in his at' 
tacks upon the "man of sin." Luther was not blind to 
his own faults, nor did he deny that his language was 
sometimes harsh, and his style rough. He thus apolo- 
gizes to his friend Spalatin : " I own I am more vehement 



LUTHER S APOLOGY FOR HIS HARSHNESS. CXCIX 

than I ought to be ; I have to do with men who blaspheme 
the truth of the gospel. I have to deal with wolves, with 
i jose who condemn me unheard ; without admonishing or 
istructing me, and who boldly utter the most atrocious 
landers against me, and against the word of God. Even 
he most insensible soul might be moved to resistance by 
heir unreasonable conduct; much more I, who am by 
nature of a quick temper, and have very irritable feelings, 
and am very apt to exceed the bounds of moderation. I 
cannot, however, but be surprised, whence this novel taste 
arose, to call everything spoken against an adversary, abu- 
sive language. What think you of Christ ? Was he a 
reviler when he calls the Jews an adulterous and perverse 
generation, a generation of vipers, hypocrites, and children 
of the devil ? And of St. Paul, who calls the enemies of 
the gospel, dogs, and seducers, and children of the devil ? 
Why does not St. Paul gently soothe the wicked, rather 
than thunder at this rate ? A mind conscious of truth, 
cannot with easy indifference, endure the obstinate enemies 
of truth. I see that all persons demand moderation of 
me, and especially my adversaries, who show least of it 
themselves. If I am too warm, I am nevertheless frank 
and candid, which cannot be said of my enemies." In 
another letter to Spalatin, he justifies his severe and cut- 
ting rebukes, thus : " Popery will never be reformed one 
tittle, by writings that give no offence, that make no attack; 
— in a word, writings that do not bite. The popes con- 
sider these very gentle and civil admonitions as a kind of 
servile cringing, they are content to be feared, and con- 



CC. LUTHER BURNS THE POPE'S BULL. 

tinue in their wicked courses, as though they had an abso- 
lute right to remain incorrigible." And the fact is, no 
other kind of writing than that employed by Luther, 
would ever have roused the whole sleeping church into 
action. No man that ever lived knew better what to 
write, and how to write ! Every stroke of his pen seem- 
ed like a spark of lightning, and electrified the heart of 
Germany ! It is an easy matter for his enemies to speak 
against his harshness, but where is the writer to be found 
who ever produced half the effect by milder means. 
Judging from the tremendous effects of his writing, we 
must conclude that Martin Luther wrote and spoke in 
the best way ! 

We now come to notice one of the most bold and daring 
steps ever taken by any man. A step whose conception 
and execution, show how intrepid and fearless Luther was. 
The pope had ordered in the Bull of excommunication, 
that Luther's writings should be burnt and he himself and 
all his adherents should be outlawed. The pope had or- 
dered Luther's writings to be burnt, in order to bring con- 
tempt upon the Reformer ; Luther was determined to re- 
turn the compliment and to pay the proud prelate in his 
own coin. He had formed the daring project of burning 
the pope's Bull! 

On the 10th of December, he nailed an advertisement 
to the walls of the University — in this all the professors, 
doctors and students were invited to attend at the eastern 
gate, near a large cross that stood there. A great many 
attended, a pile of wood had been erected, one of the party 



LUTHER IN OPEN RUPTURE WITH THE POPE. CCI. 

set fire to the pile, Luther approached the blazing pile and 
threw into it the Canon Law, the popes' Decretals, the 
Clementines, the Extravagants of the popes and a portion 
of the writings of Dr. John Eck and of Emser. When 
these were reduced to ashes, Luther took the pope's Bull 
of excommunication, held it up and exclaimed with a loud 
voice, " Since thou hast afflicted the Lord's holy one, may 
fire unquenchable afflict and consume thee," and dashed 
it into the flames. This was indeed a bold and daring step. 
Luther had an object in view in thus treating the pope and 
his Bull or brief of excommunication, with contempt. He 
says, " My enemies by burning my books, may have dis- 
paraged the truth in the minds of the common people, and 
occasioned the loss of souls ; for that reason I have burned 
their books in my turn. Hitherto I have only been jesting 
with the pope." 

The war between the pope and Luther was now fairly 
commenced — one year before, the contest would have been 
an unequal one— -the pope's finger would have crushed not 
only the poor monk at Wittenberg, but the greatest monarch 
in Christendom— but the writings of Luther had already 
paralized the papal arm. Luther by this daring act de- 
clared himself free and independent of Rome and her 
bishop. Now there was no retreat for Luther, it must now 
be seen, whether Luther or the pope, truth or error, right 
or might will conquer. This step encouraged Luther's 
friends, but it struck terror and dismay into the hearts of 
his enemies. The burning of the pope's Bull was Lu- 
ther's declaration of independence, and to carry out his 
9* 



CCII. LUTHER CALLS IN QUESTION 

principles he had to risk "his life, his fortune and his sac- 
red honor." After this Luther speaks without reserve of 
the pope and the errors of popery, he closes in upon the 
pope in mortal strife ! He now knocks his arguments 
about the pope's head as he had formerly done about Eck's. 
"Luther," says Milner, "in order to convince the world 
that the measure he had just executed, with so much firm- 
ness and intrepidity, was not a hasty thought, or the ebul- 
lition of a sudden gust of passion, immediately selected 
thirty articles from the code of papal laws, as a specimen 
of the iniquitous contents of the books he had burnt, upon 
which he wrote short and pointed remarks, and circulated 
them in the form of a tract." " Let no man," says he, 
" be so far seduced as to reverence the volumes which I 
have burnt, on account of their great antiquity or their high 
titles. Let every one first hear and see what the pope 
teaches in his own books, and what abominable, poisonous 
doctrines are to be found among the sacred spiritual laws, 
and then let him freely judge whether I have done right or 
not, in burning such writings." 

The following articles were selected among others, viz : 

The pope's books, says Luther, teach 

1. " That the pope has the power to interpret scripture, 
and teach what he pleases ; and no person is allowed to 
interpret in a different way." 

2. " The pope does not derive power, and authority, and 
dignity, from the scriptures, but the scriptures derive pow- 
er, and authority, and dignity from the pope." 



CCIII. 

Luther then affirms, that comparing together the differ- 
ent parts of canon law, it amounts to nothing less than 
this, viz : " That the pope is God on earth, above all that 
is earthly or heavenly, temporal or spiritual; that all 
things belong to the pope, and that no one must venture 
to say, what doest thou." Such was now the language 
of the Reformer, and such were the startling facts which 
rung from side to side of the German empire. The Ro- 
man pontiff must have been greatly mortified, when he 
heard with what contempt his Bull was received in Ger- 
many. The papal court saw that things were coming to a 
fearful pass. Shall a poor friendless monk withstand all 
the thunders of the Vatican ? The pope had commissioned 
Marino Caraccioli and Jerome Aleander, two of the most 
learned and accomplished gentlemen of his court, to ope- 
rate upon Frederick, Elector of Saxony, and the young 
emperor. Although cardinal Cajetan and Miltitz had fail- 
ed, they anticipated no difficulty in their mission ; in this, 
however, they were sadly disappointed. In connexion 
with the pope's Bull against Luther, we first notice the 
celebrated German nobleman, Ulric von Hutten ; he pub- 
lished the Bull with severe and cutting remarks, calculated 
to lessen the influence of the papal cause. But we shall 
soon notice him again, and the conspicuous part he played 
in the great moral drama of the sixteenth century. All 
Germany was soon awakened ; the sluggish mind of Ger- 
many was moving. And how could it be otherwise ? In 
every conflict Luther was master of the field, and he was 
aided by the keen wit and withering sarcasm rf Ulric von 



CCIV. 

Hutten, and by the rude but stirring poetry of Hans Saens, 
and the pencils of Lucas Cranach and Albert Diirer. 

The celebrated painter, Lucas Cranach, or Kranach, 
painted a set of pictures, with the title, " Christ's Passion, 
and Antichrist." Luther composed the inscriptions for 
these prints, and it is said they produced a powerful effect. 
The work of the Reformation was rapidly spreading all 
over Germany. Luther was the moving spirit of the 
whole land, all eyes were fixed on him ; when any of the 
friends were discouraged, he would cheer them up. D'Au- 
bigne says, " Luther thus, like a consummate general, kept 
a watchful eye upon the face of the battle ; and while 
fresh combatants were continually rushing forward at his 
bidding, into the thickest of the fight, he failed not to mark 
where his followers were beginning to give ground ; 
nor was he slow to rally them again beneath their adopted 
standard. His warning voice resounded far and wide. 
Letter followed letter, in rapid succession. Three print- 
ing presses were constantly employed in multiplying copies 
of his various writings ; his sermons passed from hand to 
hand, through the whole nation — supporting the agitated 
penitent at the confessional — giving courage to the faltering 
convert in the cloister — and asserting the claims of evan- 
gelical truth, even in the abodes of princes." This great 
man was laboring not for himself, but for others ; he was 
doing God's work. He might have given up the contest, 
and pronounced the simple words, "I recant," and he 
would have been honored and almost idolized at Rome. 

Let us now look into the workings of his own heart. 



THE EMPEROR CHARLES V. CCV. 

" I am," says he, " the champion of God's truth, I am a 
sworn doctor of the Bible, and I will defend my dear 
Bible." In a letter to Pellican, of Basel, he writes, 
" Thou doest well to pray for me. I cannot give myself 
up as I ought to holy exercises ; thou doest well in exhort- 
ing me to moderation, I feel the need of it, but I am not 
master of myself; an impulse of I know not what nature, 
hurries me away. I bear enmity to no man, but I am so 
beset with enemies myself, that I cannot be sufficiently on 
my guard, against the seductions of Satan. Pray for 
me." 

Luther was not only a great man, but a good man. He 
was enthusiastic, but not fanatical, and he imparted his 
own enthusiasm to his countrymen. He impressed his 
own image upon his nation. 

The young emperor was at Aix-la-Chapelle where he 
received the crown of Charlemagne- — the elector of Sax- 
ony and all the other princes of the Germanic empire were 
there to witness the splendid pageant of the coronation- 
owing to the existence of the plague in Aix-la-Chapelle, 
the whole body of crowned heads removed to the ancient 
city of Cologne. Cariccioli and Aleander, the pope's 
nuncios were there too, and the great Erasmus was there. 
The object of the nuncios was to work upon the mind of 
the young emperor. They plied him hard. " We must 
burn Luther's writings," said Aleander to the emperor. 
The emperor replied, " if that will be of any service to 
our ancient religion, let them be burnt." Well but says 
this wicked agent of the pope, " We must also have an 



CCVI. DIET OF WORMS MET. 1521. 

imperial edict sentencing Luther himself to death." The 
emperor replied to this, "Raised, as I have been so recent- 
ly, to so lofty a station, I cannot without the advice of my 
counsellors and the consent of the princes of the empire, 
strike such a blow as this against a faction so numerous 
and so powerfully protected. Let us first ascertain what 
our father, the elector of Saxony, thinks of the matter, we 
shall then be prepared to give our answer to the pope." 
Every thing now depends upon the elector of Saxony. 

The two nuncios went to the elector and demanded : 
1. That Luther's writings should be burnt. 2. That Lu- 
ther himself should either be punished as a heretic by the 
elector or be given up to the pope." 

Frederick replied, " This is a matter of too much im- 
portance to be decided instantly, our determination in re- 
gard to it shall be duly communicated to you." 

On the 4th of November, Frederick demanded that Lu- 
ther should be furnished with a safe conduct, and be per- 
mitted to answer for himself before a tribunal composed 
of learned, pious, and impartial judges." To this the 
emperor agreed, and after a good deal of squabbling, the 
two papal commissioners also gave their consent. The 
hand of God is here seen in the conduct of the wise and 
prudent elector of Saxony. Frederick stood by Luther, 
and without his aid at this period, we cannot see how Lu- 
ther could possibly have escaped his relentless persecutors. 
The emperor had no sympathy for any one that would not 
yield implicit obedience to the pope. He unquestionably 



DIET OF WORMS, ITS SPLENDOR. CCVII. 

considered Luther a heretic, and felt it his duty to obey the 
pope in all things. But God overruled all things for his 
own glory and honor. The Diet was accordingly appointed 
on the 6th of January, 1521, at Worms. Nuremberg was 
the proper place for holding the Diet, but as the plague was 
then raging there, Worms was selected. This was the first 
Diet convoked by the young emperor, and it was a splendid 
gathering — such as Germany had not seen for many a long 
day! 

Some idea of the vastness and splendor of this Diet may 
be formed, when we state that there were present one em- 
peror, one arch-duke, six dukes of kingly rank, twenty-four 
dukes of high standing, eight margraves, three nuncios, 
thirty bishops, five royal commissioners, besides learned 
doctors and counsellors without number. Philip, Land- 
grave of Hesse, was there with a train of six hundred 
cavaliers ; if the other princes had trains in any way ap- 
proaching this, there must have been from twenty to thirty 
thousand strangers at Worms. Every prince wished to 
make the most splendid appearance. Charles had agreed 
at Cologne, that Luther should appear at the Diet, and be 
heard, this seemed the dictate of common justice. But 
after the members of the Diet had assembled, the Romish 
party did not want Luther to appear — they well knew what 
he was, and even Aleander, the most learned and eloquent 
man in the papal church, felt himself unequal to the task 
of refuting Luther. He could talk very boldly and elo- 
quently in Luther's absence, but in his presence he was 
mute. The emperor wrote to the elector of Saxony, and 



CCVIII. DIET OF WORMS. 

ordered him to bring Luther to the Diet. The cautious 
elector was afraid that Luther would not be safe, but as the 
emperor had given the order, it must be done. But the 
nuncios of the pope were determined if possible to prevent 
Luther's appearance at Worms. Charles was young, and 
seems to have been entirely under the influence of the pa- 
pal priests, he changed his mind again and wrote to the 
elector, that, " as Luther was already excommunicated by 
the pope, he must not appear at Worms." Aleander was 
very busily engaged in procuring the condemnation of Lu- 
ther, he wrote to Rome and had another Bull of excommu= 
nication issued against the Reformer. Luther was exceed- 
ingly anxious to appear before the Diet, and there plead 
his Savior's cause — he wrote thus to the elector, "I am 
ready to repair to Worms, I am ready to answer for my- 
self, for it is not in the spirit of recklessness, nor for the 
sake of worldly profit, that I have taught the doctrine 
which is laid to my charge ; I have taught it in obedience 
to my conscience, and to my oath as a doctor of the holy 
scriptures. For God's glory have I taught it — for the sal- 
vation of the christian church — for the good of the Ger- 
man people — for the rooting out of gross superstition, and 
grievous abuses — for the cure of innumerable evils — the 
wiping away of foul disgrace — the overthrow of tyranny, 
blasphemy and impiety in countless forms." These no- 
ble sentiments show us the motives which actuated Luther 
in the great struggle. It was not a mere squabble among 
the German monks, or a desire to raise one order of monks 
above the other, as some of Luther's enemies have stated. 



GLAPIO, THE EMPEROR S CONFESSOR. CCIX. 

No, he had a higher, a holier and nobler object in view — 
it was the emancipation of the human mind from the do- 
minion of sin, and the thraldom of popery ! 

John Glapio, the confessor of the Emperor, was a man 
who had great influence over the young king of Spain ; 
the pope gained him over to his side by presents and hon- 
ors conferred, he was a shrewd and far-sighted fellow, 
with as large a share of hypocrisy as any princely con- 
fessor needed. He was appointed by his master and 
Aleander, to sound the friends of Luther on the subject of 
a compromise. He applied to George Bruck, sometimes 
also called Pontanus. Bruck was one of the Elector's 
confidential friends and counsellors. Glapio had a long 
interview with Bruck, in which he professed the greatest 
friendship for Luther, speaking in the highest terms of his 
talents, and requesting Briick to use his influence to get 
Luther to retract only what he had said against the pope, 
in his tract called the "Babylonian Captivity." His ob- 
ject was to prevent Luther from coming to Worms; the 
poor ignorant minions of the pope felt their weakness in 
the hands of Luther, and they were afraid they would have 
to argue with him. Hence they urged his condemnation, 
as the best way to refute him. But Pontanus behaved 
very prudently and cautiously, the wily confessor made 
nothing out of him. Aleander again used all his influence 
and power with Charles to prevent Luther from coming to 
the Diet. On the 13th of February, the eloquent nuncio, 
Aleander, was permitted to speak in the name of the pope, 
and if possible to convince the German princes that Lu- 



ccx. 

ther was a heretic, and ought to be burnt. It was an im- 
portant task, and no man in the Romish church was bet- 
ter qualified to perform it than Aleander. The nuncio 
spoke for three hours with great eloquence and power ; 
he made out Luther to be everything that was seditious and 
treacherous. " But," exclaims Aleander, with a burst of 
eloquence, " why should I enumerate all the crimes of this 
audacious monk ? He sins against the dead, for he denies 
the existence of purgatory ; — he sins against heaven, for he 
says he would not believe an angel from heaven ; he sins 
against the church, for he says that all christians are priests ; 
—he sins against the saints, for he treats their venerable 
writings with contempt ; — he sins against the councils, for 
he calls the Council of Constance an assembly of devils ; — 
he sins against the civil power, for he forbids the punish- 
ishment of death to be inflicted upon any who have not 
committed a mortal sin. There are some people who say 
Luther is a man of piety. I will not impugn his private 
character, I will only remind this assembly that it is a 
common thing for the devil to deceive men under the ap- 
pearance of sanctity." "Luther," says Aleander, "will 
allow himself to be set right by no one. Long ago the 
pope summoned him to Rome, but he appeared not. The 
pope then required him to appear before his legate at Augs- 
burg, and he did appear there, but not until he had obtain- 
ed a safe conduct from the emperor, that is to say, when 
the legate's hands were tied, and the use of his tongue 
only allowed him." " !" exclaims the orator of popery, 
turning towards the emperor, " I beseech your imperial 



aleander's appeal to the emperor. ccxi. 

majesty, not to do that which would only reflect dishonor 
on your name. Meddle not with an affair in which the 
laity have no right to interfere. Discharge the duty that 
properly devolves upon you. Let Luther's doctrines be 
proscribed by your authority throughout the empire — let 
his writings be everywhere committed to the flames — 
shrink not from the path of justice. There is enough in 
the errors of Luther to warrant the burning of an hun- 
dred thousand heretics ! And whom have we to fear ? 
The multitude ? Their insolence makes them form- 
idable while the battle is delayed, but when it comes 
their cowardice will render them contemptible ! What 
are these Lutherans ? A motley rabble of insolent gram- 
marians, licentious priests, disorderly monks, ignorant ad- 
vocates, degraded nobles, misled and perverted plebeians. 
How greatly superior is the Catholic party in numbers, in 
intelligence, in power ? An unanimous decree of this il 
lustrious assembly, will open the eyes of the simple 
show the unwary their danger, determine the wavering, 
and strengthen the weak-hearted. But if the axe be not 
laid to the root of this venomous plant, if the death-blow 
be not dealt against it — then I behold it covering Christ's 
heritage with its branches, changing the vineyard of the 
Lord into a howling wilderness, converting God's king- 
dom into a haunt of wild beasts, plunging Germany into 
the same wretched condition of barbarism and desolation 
to which Asia has been reduced, by the superstition of 
Mohammed." This oration was calculated to make a 
powerful impression upon the minds of the princes. 



CCXII. SPEECH OF DUKE GEORGE. 

There was not one friend of Luther among all the 
princes in the house, for Frederick, the Elector of Saxony, 
was not present, he did not wish to hear his beloved monk 
abused. Aleander's speech seems to have made a power- 
ful impression upon the assembly. What would we not 
give if Luther had been there to reply to this famous ora- 
tor. But in the presence of Luther, this nuncio would 
not have spoken as he did, he would have been more 
guarded. Rome had now been fairly and ably represent- 
ed ; all the embellishments of rhetoric, and the ingenuity 
of talent, and all the powers of oratory had been used in 
her defence. 

Duke George, although no friend to the Reformer, was 
friendly to a reformation. He made a speech which, al- 
though it was in one respect on the same side of the house, 
was the counterpart to that of Aleander. Duke George 
spoke thus, " The Diet must not lose sight of the griev- 
ances, of which it has to claim redress of the court of 
Rome. How numerous are the abuses that have crept into 
our dominions. The Italian courtiers are daily inventing 
new regulations to favor the monopoly, the sale, and the leas- 
ing out of ecclesiastical benefices, a multitude of offences 
connived at, a scandalous toleration granted to rich offend- 
ers, while those who have not wherewithal to purchase im- 
punity are severely punished — shops for the sale of indul- 
gences opened in every street and square of our cities— 
the officials of the bishops oppressing men of low degree 
with penances for blasphemy, or adultery, or drunkeness, 
or profanation of this or that festival — but never address- 



STATE OF MORALS IN THE PAPAL CHURCH. CCXIII. 

ing so much as a rebuke to ecclesiastics, who are guilty of 
the same crimes, — penances so devised as to betray the 
penitent into a repetition of the offence, in order that more 
money may be extracted from him. All shame is laid 
aside, and one object alone incessantly pursued. Money 
and evermore money ! Profligacy and avarice go hand in 
hand. The officials, (i. e. the confessors and acting 
priests,) summon women to their houses on various pre- 
tenses, and either by threats or presents endeavor to seduce 
them, and if the attempt fails, they ruin their reputation. 
O ! it is the scandal occasioned by the clergy thaf plunges 
so many poor souls into everlasting perdition ! A thorough 
reform must be effected. To accomplish such a reform a 
general council must be assembled." This is hard lan- 
guage ; as severe as any Luther used, but although duke 
George did not like Luther on account, it is said, of his 
Augustinian views, yet he had imperceptibly caught Lu- 
ther's spirit on this subject. The means which the duke 
proposed for reforming the church, had been tried in al- 
most every age, and every new effort only made the mat- 
ter worse ; Luther was aware of this fact, but the duke was 
not. Our Roman catholic friends of the present day, who 
say that no reformation was needed in the sixteenth cen- 
tury, will do well to refute duke George, and those who 
thought with him at that time. The speech of duke George 
produced a deep impression, other members of the Diet 
stated other grievances. At last to give an expression of 
their views and feelings, a committee was appointed to take 
this matter in hand. This committee enumerated one hun* 



CCXIV. LUTHER STARTS FOR WORMS. 1521. 

dred and one grievances, which they presented to the em- 
peror. This unexpected movement saved Luther. The 
whole assembly now were of opinion that Luther ought 
not to be condemned without a hearing. The speech of 
duke George was the means of making many friends for 
Luther. The emperor now came to the conclusion that 
Luther must appear and acknowledge himself the author 
of the books which were ascribed to him. When the 
pope's nuncio heard this he became dreadfully alarmed, 
he went to the emperor and addressed him thus, " You 
say there is to be no disputing with Luther ; but how can 
we be sure that the genius of this audacious man, the fire 
that flashes from his eyes, the eloquence of his speech, the 
mysterious spirit that animates him, will not excite a tu- 
mult. Already there are many who revere him as a saint, 
and his image is every where to be seen encircled with rays 
of glory, like those which surround the heads of the 
blessed." I quote Pallavicini, from D'Aubigne. This 
shows what the nuncio feared, viz. the eloquence of Lu- 
ther. This is perhaps the highest compliment ever an 
enemy conferred upon Luther ! 

On the 6th of March, 1521, the emperor affixed his sig- 
nature to Luther's summons. Caspar Sturm was appointed 
to bring Luther from Wittenberg. On the 24th of March, 
the herald reached Wittenberg. Luther's friends were 
much alarmed, but he himself was calm and tranquil. Lu- 
ther made his arrangements as soon as he could, and on 
the 2d of April, he was prepared for his journey. Luther 
was accompanied by Schurff, AmsdorfT, and Suaven, they 



1521. LUTHER ENTERS WORMS. CCXV, 

travelled in a waggon with a cover. On his way he past 
through Leipsic, Naumburg, Weimar, and Erfurt, at this 
place he was received with marked attention — here he 
spent the Sabbath, and it being Easter he preached a pow- 
erful sermon from John xx. 19, 20. When they left Er- 
furt, Justus Jonas joined the party. Luther took very sick 
at Eisenach, but soon recovered and continued his journey. 
The people hailed him every where as he passed along. 
Some exclaimed they will burn you at Worms — Luther 
boldly replied, " Though they should kindle a fire, whose 
flame should reach from Worms to Wittenberg, and rise 
up to heaven, I would go through it in the name of the 
Lord, and stand before them — and confess the Lord Jesus 
Christ." On the 14th of April, Luther reached Frankfort. 
As he approached Worms, his enemies became more and 
more alarmed. Consternation was depicted upon the coun- 
tenances of the papal party, every effort was made to pre- 
vent his coming to Worms. Aleander the pope's nuncio, 
Albert the archbishop, and Glapio the emperor's confessor, 
were dreadfully alarmed, and it was determined among 
them that another effort should be made to prevent Luther 
from coming into Worms. They laid a trap for him at 
Ebernburg, but he was determined to go to Worms. Spala- 
tin himself, the friend of Luther, became alarmed, and sent 
him a message that he should not enter into Worms. Lu- 
ther replied to the messenger, " Go tell your master, that 
though there should be as many devils at Worms as there 
are tiles upon the houses, I would enter in!" This shows 
the true character of the man, and yet a minion of the pope 



CCXVI. LUTHER S EXTRAORDINARY PRAYER. 

has the hardihood to say that Luther was only bold and 
courageous where there was no danger." Where in all 
the annals of ancient or modern history will you find such 
courage and intrepidity as Luther displayed on this occa- 
sion ? 

On the 16th of April, he entered Worms — it is said that 
two thousand people met him at the city walls and escorted 
him to his lodgings. His appearance at Worms produced 
more excitement than the emperor's. Every body, friend 
and foe, wanted to see the courageous monk. On the 17th 
of April, Ulric von Pappenheim, the marshal of the em- 
pire, cited him to appear before the Diet at 4 o'clock in the 
afternoon. 

Ulric von Hutten wrote to Luther on the 17th of April 
from Ebernburg, for he was then under the pope's displea- 
sure and was afraid to go to Worms, but he encouraged 
Luther by writing thus, " The Lord hear thee in the day 
of trouble ; the name of the God of Jacob defend thee, and 
send thee help out of Zion ; grant thee according to thine 
own heart, and fulfil all thy counsel. Psalms xx. O ! be- 
loved Luther, my venerated father, fear not, but stand 
firm — fight valiantly the battles of Christ." Bucer, who 
was with Hutten at Ebernburg, came to Worms and re- 
mained with Luther. Before Luther went to the Diet he 
offered up the following prayer, which was overheard and 
recorded by his friends, and it is a touching and sublime 
prayer. We translate this prayer as literally as possible 
from the original German. " Oh ! God, oh ! God, oh ! thou 
my God do thou stand by me against the reason and wis- 



CCXVII. 

dom of the whole world, do thou do it ! Thou must stand 
by me, and thou alone ! This is not my work, but thine. 
I have nothing to do here, before these great lords of the 
world on my own account. I would gladly pass my days 
in rest and peace, and be unmolested. But the cause is 
thine O ! Lord, and it is a righteous and everlasting cause ! 
But do thou support me, O ! thou faithful and eternal God. 
I depend on no human aid. Hast not thou called me to 
this work, and I am certain of it ! Yes, this is thy will ! 
This is not my doing, I never thought of myself to oppose 
such great lords. So do thou support me for the sake of 
thy dear Son Jesus Christ, who shall be my protector, my 
defence, and my strong tower, through the power, and 
strength of the Holy Ghost ! Lord where remainest thou ? 
Thou my God where art thou ? Come, oh come, I am 
ready to lay down my life with the patience of a lamb, for 
this is a righteous cause, and it is thy cause. I will never 
be separated from thee. This I have resolved upon in thy 
name ; the world shall never force my conscience, and if 
it were full of devils — and if this body which is the work 
of thine hands, should be trodden down upon the earth, 
and be cut to pieces ; for I have thine own word and Spirit 
for this. Not only the body, but the soul is thine, and will 
be thine forever. Amen. God help me. Amen," 

This prayer gives us a glimpse into the inmost soul of 
Luther — it shows us whence he derived his strength. 1$ 
shows us too, that the Reformation was, not the work of 
man, but of God. This is a specimen of the moral sub- 
lime, suet] as is seldom seen ! And this is the kind of faith 
10 



CCXVIII. LUTHER APPEARS BEFORE THE DIET. 

we now need in the church ! This prayer it is said calmed 
the mind of Luther, At 4 o'clock, the marshal of the em- 
pire came for Luther— but such was the throng that it was 
impossible to get along — -they had to take Luther through 
gardens and allies—the streets were lined with people ; such 
was the anxiety to see this famous doctor, that many peo- 
ple were seen on the roofs of the houses ! At last they 
arrived at the place where the Diet sat, but it seemed im- 
possible to enter the building, it was so thronged with peo- 
ple — there were more than five thousand people there. In 
one of the halls he was met by George Freundsberg, a 
brave soldier who had fought many a hard battle — this old 
soldier tapped Luther on the shoulder and exclaimed, "Little 
monk, little monk, thou art making a march, such as neither 
I nor any other captain ever went through in the bloodiest 
battles ! But if thy cause be just, and thou art sure of it, 
go forward in the name of God, and fear nothing." 

Luther was now ushered into the most august assembly 
on earth — there was assembled the wealth, the talent and 
the refinement of all Christendom. There were about two 
hundred persons immediately connected with the Diet, be- 
sides thousands whom curiosity had led thither. Luther 
was, (as may readily be imagined,) at first a little agitated — 
but he soon recovered from this temporary excitement — it 
was merely the flush of excited feeling that for a moment 
fluttered a little warmly and strangely about his heart, and 
crimsoned his manly countenance! So the iron-nerved 
warrior when entering the field of battle, may feel a little 
agitated, and when the first platoon is fired, his courage 



LUTHER S COURAGE BEFORE THE DIET. CCXI1C. 

returns. The marshal of the empire whispered in his ear, 
that he should not speak, until he was asked a question. 
Luther's appearance in the Diet produced quite a profound 
sensation — every eye was fixed upon the bold and courage- 
ous monk. Now let us pause a moment, and contemplate 
Martin Luther, the son of an humble miner of Mansfeldt, 
standing before the Roman emperor and the pope's repre- 
sentatives — God had directed his steps by a strange Provi- 
dence ! And sustained him in that trying hour ! When 
the excitement had subsided, Dr. John Eck, (not the fam- 
ous Doctor Of Ingolstadt,) but the chancellor of the arch- 
bishop of Treves, stept forward and said, addressing him- 
self to Luther. " Martin Luther, his sacred majesty has 
cited you before lvs throne, and requires you to answer 
these questions." The chancellor then pointing to a bench, 
on which were piled 20 volumes of books, said, "do you 
acknowledge those writings to have been written by you." 
Secondly. " Are you prepared to retract these works, and 
the propositions they contain, or do you persist in what 
you have therein advanced." Jerome SchurfT, Luther's 
advocate, immediately exclaimed in a voice loud enough to 
be heard in the whole house, "Legantur tituli librorum." 
"Let the titles of the books be read." This was a mas- 
ter stroke of legal tact ; SchurfT had heard Aleander's fam- 
ous speech against Luther in that assembly, he had heard 
that smooth-tongued nuncio, declaring that Luther was op- 
posed to good works, yet one of the books now before the 
assembly was a volume on good works. 



ccxx. 

After the chancellor had read the titles, Luther spoke 
first in German, then in Latin, thus : " Most Gracious Em- 
peror, Princes and Lords ! Your Imperial Majesty has 
proposed two questions to me. The first is, whether I 
acknowledge all the books that bear my name, to be mine ? 
Second, whether I am willing to defend those which I 
have written and published, or whether I am willing to re- 
tract what I have written. I will answer these questions 
with as much brevity and correctness as I can. In the 
first place, I must acknowledge the above mentioned books 
as mine, I can never deny them. But that which follows, 
viz. whether I will defend or retract every thing I have 
written ? As this is a question concerning faith and salva- 
tion, and belongs to the Word of God, which is the most 
valuable treasure in heaven or on earth, and which we 
should all with one consent hold in the highest honor. It 
would therefore be presumptuous and dangerous in me, to 
act without reflection, I might say less than the circum- 
stances of the case require, or more than would be in ac- 
cordance with the truth, which might bring me under the 
condemnation of what Christ says, viz. "Whosoever shall 
deny me before men, him will I deny before my Father which 
is in heaven." Therefore, I ask your imperial majesty 
time for reflection, (Bedenckzeit,) that I may without detri- 
ment to the Word of God, or injury to my own soul, give 
a correct answer to the questions proposed." 

Here the Diet held a short consultation ; soon after the 
chancellor of the empire, expressing the meaning of the 
Diet, said, " Inasmuch as you, Martin Luther, should have 



1521. GREAT EXCITEMENT AT WORMS. CCXXI. 

known from the imperial summons, why you have been 
called hither, and as you are not worthy to have any fur- 
ther indulgence, yet in consequence of the emperor's native 
benevolence — you have another day for reflection — you 
are to appear here to-morrow at this hour of the day, upon 
the condition however, that you bring no written docu- 
ments, but make your defence verbally." As Luther 
seemed so mild and calm, it is very likely the pope's min- 
ions, Aleander and Eck, thought he certainly would recant, 
the next day. But they found themselves much mistaken ! 

The impression Luther's conduct made upon the lobby 
members was unfavorable, they were sure he would re- 
tract. His enemies no doubt thought, ah, where now is 
the audacious monk, who at a distance could hurl the thun- 
derbolts at the pope's head, now he quails, he trembles, 
he will give up ! Not an hour afterwards he wrote a letter 
to a friend, in which he says, " by the help of Jesus, I will 
not retract a word." 

On the streets of Worms there was a great commotion. 
The affairs of the Reformation were taken in hand by the 
people — some for Luther, some against him ; all arguing 
and quarreling in the most boisterous manner. His ene- 
mies triumphing over his anticipated recantation, his 
friends trembling for his personal safety. The scenes 
which were exhibited at Worms during that night and next 
day, shadow forth the general movements of the christian 
world in after days. This was a kind of epitomized prelude 
to the great drama of the sixteenth century. 



CCXXII. THRILLING SCENE MORAL GRANDEUR. 

On the next day, at 4 o'clock, the imperial herald came 
for Luther, but owing to the throng of people, and some 
other business in which the Diet was engaged, Luther did 
not get into the emperor's presence until 6 o'clock. The 
magnificent hall was lighted with torches, which added 
much to the solemnity of the scene ! What a solemn 
hour ! How instructive ! — the night that had closed in 
upon the assembly, was emblematical of the night of sin 
and ignorance that had enshrouded the papal church ; and 
the glaring light of the torches for the time being imper- 
fectly prefigured the more brilliant light of the gospel, 
which was about to reilluminate the world ! Luther had 
prepared himself for the mighty conflict by prayer and 
meditation. 

When Luther stood before the emperor, the chancellor 
Dr. Eck, arose and said, " His imperial majesty on last 
evening gave you, Martin Luther, time for reflection ; that 
time is now expired. Inasmuch as you have acknow- 
ledged yourself to be the author of the books whose titles 
were read, but as you requested time before you would 
answer the questions then proposed, although the Diet 
was not under any obligation to give you the time you 
asked, because you knew a long time before what would 
be required of you. Every one should at all times be 
able to give an account of what he believes. And are you 
who are so learned a doctor in the scriptures, now silent ? 
Now therefore, answer the inquiries of his majesty, who 
has manifested so much indulgence to you. Are you pre- 
pared to defend all the books which you have acknowledged 



luther's speech. ccxxiii 

to be yours, or are you willing to retract any part of 
them." 

The reader will perceive that these questions are framed 
with much accuracy — they cannot be evaded. Luther must 
now come out on the one or the other side. Luther paus- 
ed a moment, all eyes are upon him ! Will the courage- 
ous monk now falter 1 Oh, what a moment of intense, 
of painful anxiety ! The silence is broken, Luther has 
spoken ; he spoke very calmly and distinctly, and with 
unusual moderation, but loud enough to be heard by all. 

Luther's Speech before the Diet at Worms. 
" Most illustrious emperor, and you illustrious princes and 
noble lords — I appear before you in obedience to your or- 
ders, at the termination of the time you gave me yesterday, 
and I implore your majesty, and your illustrious highnesses, 
by the compassion of God, graciously to hear this cause, 
which I hope is just and righteous. If by reason of my ig- 
norance of court usages, I should not address you by your 
proper titles, I hope you will pardon me, for I am not ac- 
customed to the formalities of courts, but was raised in a 
monastery. 

Two questions were yesterday proposed to me by his 
imperial majesty. The first, whether I was the author of 
the books whose titles were read ; the second, whether I 
was willing to defend or retract, any of the doctrines I 
taught therein. To the first I have given my humble an- 
swer, clearly and directly ; and upon what I then said I will 
stand firmly and eternally. If my works have not been 
mutilated, I and I alone without the aid of any person or 



ccxxiv. luther's speech. 

persons, how learned soever am the author of those books 
As to the second question, I beg of your imperial majesty, 
and you noble lords, to remember that I have written a num- 
ber of works, on a variety of subjects. In some of my books 
I have written on christian faith, and on good works, in 
such a manner that even my adversaries are compelled to 
admit that they are useful, innocent, and worthy to be read 
by all christians. The pope's Bull although it is quick 
and violent yet makes some of my books innocent, and yet 
damns the same in a very extraordinary and unnatural 
manner. Now if I were to retract these, what would I be 
doing, other than denying what both friends and enemies 
all admit. I have in the second place in some of my writ- 
ings attacked the popedom and the papal doctrine, and 
spoken against those whose scandalous and irregular lives, 
and evil examples afflict the christian church and are cal- 
culated to ruin the bodies and souls of men ! No man can 
deny what experience teaches, all pious souls deplore the 
state of things which now exists. Is it not true, that the 
laws of popery, and the human doctrines of the pope, vex 
and ensnare, and torment the consciences of the pious, — 
and do not the crying and endless extortions of Rome swal- 
low up and ingulf the property and wealth of Christendom, 
and more particularly of this illustrious German nation. 
Who can deny these things ? And yet the Roman Catho- 
lic church teaches in her own books and decretals, that any 
rules or doctrines the pope may teach that do not agree 
with the gospel, and the opinions of the church fathers, are 
to be looked upon as erroneous. Now if I were to re- 



LUTHER S SPEECH. CCXXV. 

tract, would I not be strengthening this tyranny, and would 
I not open the windows, and doors, and gates, for such 
great impieties ; even wider than they now are ? These 
wicked men would then with irresistible fury bear down 
all opposition ; they would foam and rage more and more. 
And the yoke of tyranny which now weighs so heavily 
upon the common people, would become more intolerable 
by my recantation. It would then be looked upon as re- 
ceiving the sanction of his imperial majesty, this august 
Diet, and of myself! Great God ! what an infamous cloak 
to cover over every kind of tyranny and audacity, would 
not I become ! 

" In the third place, I have written some books against 
private individuals, who undertook to defend and protect 
or screen, (zu schiitzen,) the tyranny of the Romish 
church, by endeavoring to corrupt and falsify the blessed 
doctrines which I taught. I am willing openly to confess, 
that against such persons I may have been more violent 
and severe than is consistent with my profession of re- 
ligion ; for I do not make myself a saint, nor am I dis- 
puting about the sanctity of my own life, but about the 
doctrines of Christ. But I cannot even retract these books, 
because by so doing I would sanction the wickedness and 
tyranny of my enemies, and they would become more 
furious against the common people than heretofore ! Yet, 
as I am not God, but a mere man, I must defend my books, 
as Jesus Christ defended his doctrine, (John xviii. 23,) be- 
fore the Jewish high priest, « If I have spoken evil, bear 
witness against me.' Now, if the Lord Jesus, who knew 
10* 



CCXXVI. LUTHER S SPEECH. 

that he could not err, did not object to the bringing of testi- 
mony against his doctrine, how much more should not I, 
who am but dust and ashes, and so prone to err, desire 
that every one should bring forward what he can against 
my doctrines. Therefore I implore your most illustrious 
majesty, and you illustrious princes, all states and condi- 
tions of men, by the mercies of God, to prove to me from 
the prophetical and apostolical writings, that I have erred. 
As soon as I am thus convinced, I will cheerfully and at 
once, revoke all my errors, and will be the first to commit 
my books to the flames ! 

" From what I have just said, it will appear clearly and 
openly that I have sufficiently reflected upon and weighed 
the danger to which I am exposed, in consequence of the 
strife and divisions which my teachings have occasioned, 
of which I was so violently and severely reminded yes- 
terday. But to me it is a matter of great satisfaction and 
joy, to see that there are strifes and divisions on account 
of God's word, for this is the very character of God's 
word, and has always been its fate, for Christ himself says, 
'I came not to send peace in the earth, but a sword.* 
Therefore it becomes us well to remember, that God is 
wonderful and awful in his counsels and his judgments.-— 
Let us therefore be mindful, lest in our efforts to put down 
discords, we be found fighting ignorantly against God's holy 
word, and bring down upon ourselves a terrible deluge of 
irresistible calamities, both for time and eternity ! Let us 
take care, lest the reign of our young and noble prince, the 
Emperor Charles, on whose imperial majesty, next to 



LUTHER REPEATS HIS SPEECH IN LATIN. CCXXVII. 

God, we build such high and flattering hopes, should be a 
fatal and disastrous one, in its commencement and termi- 
nation. I might produce instances from the word of God 
to illustrate this matter, — I might speak of Pharaoh, of the 
kings of Babylon, or of Israel, who, when they thought 
by their prudence and foresight to strengthen themselves, 
always contributed to their own downfall. 'For God 
taketh the wise in their own craftiness, he removeth the 
mountains and they know it not.' Therefore we should 
fear God ; but for the sake of brevity I will say no more on 
this subject. In speaking thus, I do not suppose that such 
noble princes have need of my instructions, or my calling 
such things to their recollection, but I wish to discharge 
my duty to the German nation, my dear native land. And 
so I would commend myself to your august majesty, and 
your illustrious highnesses ; I beseech you in all humility, 
not to permit yourselves to be influenced against me by 
my enemies without reason." 

When he had delivered this address in German, he was 
requested to repeat it in Latin. Frederick von Thun, one 
of the Elector's counsellors, whom the prudent prince had 
stationed by the side of Luther, to aid and assist him by 
his advice, seeing that Luther was a good deal exhausted, 
said to him, "If you are not able to repeat your speech in 
Latin, what you have said is enough." But Luther paid 
no attention to what was said ; after a moment's pause, he 
commenced, and repeated in Latin what bp had said in 
German. When he had finished his Latin address, John 
Eck, the mouthpiece of the Diet, arose in haste, and ad- 



CCXXVIII. POWERFUL IMPRESSION MADE UPON THE DIET. 

dressed Luther in a sharp and angry tone, thus : " You 
have not given a proper answer to the inquiries proposed, 
you are not to place in a doubtful light the decisions of 
the councils, nor to dispute about their correctness. You 
are required to give a clear, pointed and unequivocal an- 
swer to the question ; will you revoke and retract, or will 
you not ?" Luther then said loudly and distinctly, " Since 
your imperial majesty, and you, illustrious princes, require 
of me a plain, direct and unequivocal answer, I will give 
one that shall have neither horns, nor teeth, and it is this, 
unless I am convinced out of the sacred Scriptures, or by 
other clear and cogent reasons ; (for I believe neither the 
pope, nor the councils alone, for it is as clear as noon-day 
that they have both often erred, and have often been op- 
posed to each other.) If therefore, I am not fully satisfied 
that the passages I have recited from the word of God, are 
wrong, and that my conscience is not subject (i. e. under 
the influence of) the word of God. I neither can nor will 
retract any thing I have done, because it is neither safe nor 
prudent to say any thing against one's conscience." Then 
Luther raised his hands and eyes toward heaven, and ex- 
claimed with a strong and excited and impressive voice, 
" Hier stehe ich ; ich kann nicht anders, Gott helfe mir. 
Amen" Here I stand, I cannot do otherwise, God do 
thou help me I This was the most interesting period of 
Luther's life, here was a grand and sublime spectacle, an 
humble monk by the brilliancy of his talents, and the just- 
ness of his cause, outshining all the splendors of the Ger- 
man empire. The vast assembly was thunderstruck, a 



POWERFUL IMPRESSION MADE UPON THE DIET. CCXXIX. 

deep impression had been made, the breathing of the Diet 
had almost been suspended, when the sound of the last 
word had ceased to reverberate, among the lofty colonnades. 
The emperor who had been struck dumb with Roman 
Catholic amazement, at the bold and heretical doctrines of 
the noble Saxon, exclaimed, " the monk speaks unterrified 
and with calm courage," (" der Monch redet unerschrocken, 
mit getrostem Muth.") 

The chancellor then arose and addressed Luther as he 
had before, and told him that he had not answered as was 
expected, and that if he would not retract, the emperor and 
the states of the empire would know how to deal with an 
obstinate heretic." Luther replied, "May God help me, 
for I cannot retract." Luther was now permitted to with- 
draw and the Diet commenced its momentous deliberations. 
Every one saw and felt that it was a critical moment. "On 
the yea and nay of this monk perhaps depended the repose 
of the church, and the world for ages to come. In the de- 
sire to overawe him, he had been raised on a platform, in 
sight of a whole nation ; the attempt to give publicity to 
his defeat, had only served to enhance his victory over his 
enemies. The partisans of Rome could not patiently sub- 
mit to this humiliation." Luther was called back, and Dr. 
Eck, the chancellor of the empire, addressed him thus : 
" Martin you have not spoken with that humility which 
becomes your standing. The lines of distinction you have 
drawn as to your works were unnecessary, for if you had 
retracted such as contain error, the emperor would not 
have allowed the others to be burnt. It is absurd to re- 



CCXXX. POSITION OF LUTHER. 

quire to be refuted by Scripture when you are reviving 
heresies condemned by the General Council of Constance. 
The emperor commands you therefore simply to say yea 
or nay." " I have no other answer to give," said Luther, 
"than that I have already given." There stood the un- 
daunted Saxon monk, firm and unshaken. 

The following beautiful words of the poet may be ap- 
plied to him on this occasion, very aptly : 

"So fixed by Providence's hands, 
A rock amid the ocean stands, 
So bears without a trembling dread 
The tempest beating on its head, 
And with its side repels the wave 
Whose hollow seems a coming grave ; 
The skies, the deeps are heard to roar, 
The rock stands settled as before." 

So stood Luther like the great Gibraltar of the moral 
world ! He was the first man on the earth who for the 
last thousand years had dared to say, "no," when the 
church said, "yes." The Roman party was dismayed; 
the unbending German monk had conquered all the pow- 
ers of the church and the empire. The virtual language 
of this great man was, " do your worst." The body you 
may destroy, but the eternal and the chainless mind you 
cannot conquer ! The emperor then arose, and the whole 
Diet followed — the chancellor then said, " The Diet will 
meet to-morrow morning to hear the emperor's decision." 
Luther was conducted to his hotel amid a tremendous ex- 
citement, some reviling and others praising him. Luther 



THE ELECTOR'S OPINION OF LUTHER's SPEECH. CCXXXI. 

was perhaps the only man that felt calm — he was in God's 
hands — and so far as he was concerned it mattered but lit- 
tle to him how it went. 

Luther had returned to his hotel, his friends were there 
ready to rejoice with their intrepid champion. The Elec- 
tor, Frederick of Saxony, was delighted and edified with 
the noble bearing and courageous conduct of his monk. 
He sent for Spalatin, who was with Luther, and when the 
latter came, he said with deep emotion, " Oh, how elegant- 
ly did not Father Martin speak before the emperor and 
the states of the empire, all I feared was that he would be- 
come too impetuous." From that moment the bonds of 
friendship were drawn more closely between these two 
great men. The popish party saw and felt that Luther 
had made a deep impression upon the public mind, and 
they knew that they had no one who was able to stand be- 
fore him. Aleander commenced operating upon the mind 
of the young emperor, who had imbibed early and strong 
prejudices against the right of private opinion. And the 
extent of the nuncio's success may perhaps be gathered 
from the following message, which the emperor caused to 
be read to the Diet on Friday the 19th of April. " De- 
scended from the christian emperors of Germany, from 
the catholic kings of Spain, from the archdukes of Austria, 
and dukes of Burgundy, who have all distinguished them- 
selves by supporting the faith of Rome, I am firmly re- 
solved to tread in the footsteps of my ancestors. A single 
monk, led astray by his own madness, erects himself 
against the faith of Christendom. I will sacrifice mvking- 



CCXXXII. ROME HAS LOST HER POWER. 

doms, my power, my friends, (a thrust at the Elector of 
Saxony,) my money, my body and blood, my thoughts and 
my life, to stay the further progress of this impiety. I 
am about to dismiss the Augustine Luther, forbidding him 
to cause the least disturbance among the people. I will 
then take measures against him and his adherents, as open 
heretics, by excommunication, interdict, and every means 
necessary to their destruction." 

This was a strong and decided address, but the day 
when excommunications and interdicts of popes and kings 
could throw whole nations into convulsions, had passed 
away. Luther's preaching, and the publication of some 
twenty volumes, and his public disputations, and now his 
noble conduct at Worms, had dispelled much of the moral 
darkness that had for ages enshrouded the church and the 
world ! That long, long, dark night of moral darkness, 
was giving way to rays of divine light, that was now 
breaking into the world ! The moral heavens were be- 
ginning to be dotted with the stars of hope — harbingers of 
a brighter day ! 

Two years before, in this self same ancient city of 
Worms, such an address from Maximilian to a Diet of the 
German nation, would have been received with thundering 
applause, and the poor individual against whom such a 
moral thunderbolt would have been directed, God help 
him — he would have been crushed at once, no power on 
earth could have saved him ! But now how changed the 
scene, nearly half the princes present heard the emperor's 
message with displeasure. Even Duke George, the avow- 



GREAT MILITARY EXCITEMENT. CCXXXUI 

ed enemy of Luther, opposed it; the Elector, Palatine, 
and the princes of Bavaria sided with Duke George. The 
Elector of Brandenburg, and most of the dignitaries of the 
church, insisted upon a violation of the Emperor's safe-con- 
duct. This was strongly contested, and ultimately over- 
ruled. And to the credit of the Emperor be it said, he 
refused to commit so flagrant a crime ! Perhaps those 
high and lofty principles of honor, which are said to belong 
to the Spanish character, got the better of his bigotry. It 
is even supposed that Charles, towards the close of his 
life, leaned very strongly towards Protestantism. Much 
has been written pro and con, on this subject. But al- 
though we may award to him in his declining years, much 
self-denial and charity, yet there seems to be little Protes- 
tantism in monasteries — Charles abdicated his throne, and 
died in the seclusion of a cloister. His life is exceeding- 
ly interesting, and has been ably written by Dr. Robertson, 
to which we would refer the reader, for one of the finest 
specimens of biography in our language. 

Luther was constantly surrounded by multitudes who 
flocked to see him, he made many friends, his fame was 
spreading throughout the German empire. Placards were 
stuck up in every part of Worms, and anonymous letters 
poured in upon the Emperor and the members of the Diet 
daily, threatening vengeance and bloodshed in case Luther 
should be injured. The Emperor was informed that if it 
should become necessary, there were 400 noble knights, 
with 8000 soldiers, both infantry and cavalry, who were 
ready in a moment to defend the intrepid friend of Germany! 



CCXXXIV. GREAT MILITARY EXCITEMENT. 

It was also reported that Francis von Sickingen had as- 
sembled 400 German knights, who had bound themselves 
to defend Luther. Ulric von Hutten was at this time in 
the family of Sickingen. It was probably from this rural 
retreat, this asylum of the oppressed and persecuted, that 
he wrote his famous letter to the Emperov. Charles V. In 
relation to the excitement that existed at this time in 
Worms, Luther said in after life, "If I had felt dis- 
posed when at Worms to make disturbance, I might 
have raised such a rebellion, as would ^have endangered 
the safety of the emperor himself." After the emperor 
had expressed his determination to proceed with rigor 
against Luther, a number of the princes and other members 
of the Diet, strongly urged the propriety of holding an- 
other friendly conference with Luther. They thought Lu- 
ther must and should be convinced of his error. The 
archbishop of Treves, Joachim, of Brandenburg, Duke 
George, the bishop of Augsburg, the bishop of Branden- 
burg, and a number of others, insisted that the emperor 
should defer his contemplated measures against Luther 
until after another effort towards a reconciliation should 
have been made. The emperor consented. There was 
a gentleman at Worms who was well calculated to make 
an impression upon Luther's mind, he was famous for his 
gravity of manners, his deep toned piety, his extensive 
knowledge of human nature, and his great eloquence. If 
any man on earth could do anything with Luther, this was 
the man — his name was Jerome Wehe, or as he is some* 
times called Wehus — he was chancellor of Baden. The 



LUTHER GETS PERMISSION TO RETURN. CCXXXV 

archbishop of Treves had undertaken the task of recon 
ciling the pope and Luther. This conference took place 
on Wednesday, the 24th of April, in the residence of the 
archbishop of Treves. Wehe commenced in a very calm, 
mild and earnest manner, to reason with Luther, but as 
the substance of his fair speech was "revoke," " revoke," 
Luther replied as on a former occasion, "the Bible," "the 
Bible," and thus ended the matter. The papists saw that 
they could not argue with Luther ; this fact led one of their 
party, Cochloeus, to exclaim, " Why did not the emperor, 
when he cited Luther to Worms, also summon learned 
men capable of refuting him." Yes, why did he not? 
Because that was impossible, the most learned men in the 
whole church of Rome had tried to refute him, but they 
were not able. The curious reader can see this confer- 
ence fully treated in D'Aubigne, vol. II. p. 250. 

On Thursday, the 25th, Luther got permission from the 
emperor to return to Wittenberg. He must return within 
the space of twenty-one days, and in the mean time was 
not to disturb the public peace on his way home by preach- 
ing. Thus ended the famous Diet of Worms. 

On Friday morning, the 26th of April, soon after break- 
fast, Luther left Worms in the company of his friends, at 
Oppenheim he was joined by Sturm, the imperial herald. 
The first day, without any accident, they reached Frank- 
fort. From Frankfort, he wrote a letter to his worthy 
friend, Lucas Cranach, the celebrated painter, at Witten- 
berg. This letter gives us a fair view of Luther's heart, 
for it was written to a bosom friend. 



CCXXXVI. LUTHER LEAVES WORMS. 

" Dear Lucas, my best wishes to you, I commend you 
to God. I must permit myself to be taken away and con- 
cealed, I knGW not where — I would rather have suffered 
death at the hands of the tyrant duke George of Saxony — 
but I must follow the advice of good friends. I was not 
looked for at Worms. I supposed his imperial majesty 
would have collected one or fifty doctors, honestly to refute 
the monk ! But there was nothing more done than this, 
viz. Are these books yours? Yes! Will you recant? 
No ! Then clear out ? ! what blind Germans we are, 
how childishly we act in permitting the Romanists to ape 
and to act the fool with us ! 

"My compliments to your dear wife. The Jews must 
sing their, yo ! yo ! yo ! Our passover too will come, 
then we will sing hallelujah ! It is necessary for us to keep 
quiet and suffer a while. ' A little while and ye shall not 
see me, and again a little while and ye shall see me,' said 
Christ, I trust I can say the same. If you are not satis- 
fied with the preaching of the licentiate Feldkerchen, get 
Amsdorff, he will cheerfully do it. Adieu." 

This letter shows clearly that Luther was aware that he 
would have to be concealed — no doubt the elector of Sax- 
ony had Luther prepared for his capture and residence at 
Wartburg. Some even suppose, nor is the supposition at 
all improbable that the emperor himself consented to the 
scheme of secreting Luther ! This was a stroke of royal 
policy such as is sometimes necessary ! Let any man look 
at the situation of Charles at this time, and he will see that 
he could not well do otherwise. He dare not oppose the 



luther's letter to the emperor, ccxxxvii. 

pope, and he dare not execute Luther — on the one hand 
the friendship of the pope was all important in the accom- 
plishment of his ambitious schemes, and yet without the 
German princes who were favorable to Luther he could do 
nothing, Hence it is quite probable that while he was 
pretending to chastise Luther with one hand, he actually 
concea°c him with the other. 

Dr. Miiner says, Spalatin communicated this plan of 
evading the pope's fury to Luther, the evening before he 
left Worms. 

Next day, the 27th of April, Luther reached Friedberg. 
From this place we have two famous letters, dated, the one 
in Latin to the emperor, and the other in German to the 
princes of the German empire. These are among the 
most splendid letters he ever wrote, and as they were pub- 
lished by his friends in the form of tracts, and very exten- 
sively circulated throughout Germany, they contributed 
not a little to build up the cause of Christ. Both these 
letters are long, too long to be transcribed here. But the 
sentiments they contain are so noble that we must furnish 
a few specimens. In his letter to the emperor, he says, 
" God who is the Searcher of all hearts is my witness, that 
I am willing to obey your imperial majesty in life or death, 
in glory or in shame, in gain or in loss — this is the delib- 
erate determination to which I have come, and I make no 
exception at all, only the word of God." The Bible was 
everything with Luther. He goes on, "it is contrary to 
the will of God, that one man should be under subjection 
to another, in that which belongs to the salvation of the 



CCXXXVIII. LUTHER AT HIRSCHFELD. 

soul." "I do not pray for my own person, but for the 
whole christian church— I plead for my noble and beloved 
German nation. I have sought nothing but the glory and 
honor of God, and the welfare of my fellow-men. I have 
never looked to my own interest, and God grant that I never 
may — whether my enemies condemn me or not. As Christ 
my Savior, prayed for his enemies when nailed to the 
cross, 'Lord forgive them, for they know not what they 
do,' so I will pray for your imperial majesty, and for all 
my enemies." What a truly christian spirit! How like 
his Great Master, did he pray for his enemies ! 

On Tuesday the 30th of April, Luther left Friedberg, 
and reached Hirschfeld, where he was met by the chan- 
cellor of the prince and the senate, and escorted with great 
pomp into the town. 

On Wednesday the first of May, by request of the 
prince, he preached, and after service moved on to Eisen- 
ach. What thoughts must have crowded into his soul as 
he looked around him upon the scenes of his childhood ! It 
was now twenty years since he had left the school at Eisen- 
ach. Through what mighty conflicts had he not passed ? 
What mighty changes had he not seen ? Twenty years 
before he begged his bread in the streets of Eisenach, 
now he appears there as the greatest man of his age. 
Luther's friends call to see him. What had become of 
the pious Cotta family ? Did they yet live to witness the 
fame of their protege ? We know not. Luther preached 
at Eisenach. 



EDICT AGAINST LUTHER. CCXXXIX. 

We will now permit Luther to enjoy the scenes of his 
childhood, and return to Worms, and see what is going 
on there. After Luther had left Worms the pope's agents 
Aleander and others, were very busy in having Luther 
and his followers condemned. On the 25th of May, the 
edict was signed by Charles, when the greater part of the 
German princes had left. It was dated May 8th, and is a 
long and curious document, consisting of not less than fif- 
teen large folio pages ! We here give a part of this fa- 
mous edict. 

" The Almighty having confided to us as for the defence 
of our holy faith, more extensive dominion than he hath 
given to any of our predecessors, we purpose to employ 
all our powers to preserve our holy empire from being 
polluted by any heresy. The Augustine monk, Martin Lu- 
ther, regardless of our exhortations, has madly attacked 
the holy church, and attempted to destroy it, by writings 
full of blasphemy. He has shamefully vilified the unal- 
terable law. of marriage— he has labored to incite the laity 
to imbrue their hands in the blood of their priests ; and de- 
fying all authority, has incessantly excited the people to 
revolt, schism, war, murder, theft, incendiarism, and the 
utter destruction of the christian faith." Not a word of 
this was true, and well did the people know it, this was 
the reason why this lying edict had no effect. The peo- 
ple of Germany laughed at it. The Spanish and Italian 
Romanists, thought it was a very grave and important 
document, but Luther had taught his countrymen better. 
But when it did come, it could not find Luther— he was 



CCXL. LUTHER AMONG HIS FRIENDS A.T EISENACH. 

safely housed in the castle of Wartburg. Let us now see 
how Luther got to Wartburg. After spending some time 
at Eisenach, he started in company with his brother, Jacob 
Luther, Nicholas AmsdorfF and the driver, for the village 
of Mohra, where his grandmother lived, and his father's 
brother, Henry Luther. Counsellor SchurfF, Dr. Justus 
Jonas and Suaven, who had come with Luther, left him at 
Eisenach, and set out for Wittenberg. I have no doubt 
SchurfF and Jonas knew all about the plan of Luther's con- 
templated abduction. Luther spent the evening very pleas- 
antly among his relatives. The next day he started, the 
company had to pass through the forests of Thuringia, in 
order to reach Waltershausen. As the carriage was passing 
through a narrow defile, near the close of the day, a short 
distance from the castle of Altenstein, close by the ruins 
of an old church, five horsemen suddenly came upon them 
Jacob Luther, who first saw the horsemen making for the 
carriage, jumped from the carriage and ran at a furious 
rate, and never stoped until he reached Waltershausen. 
Luther in a letter to Spalatin says, " Frater meus equites 
in tempore videns, a curru se subtraxit et insalutatus 
Waltershausen pedestris venisse dicitur," i. e. my brother 
who first saw the horsemen, threw himself from the car- 
riage, and is said to have reached Waltershausen on foot, 
without being pursued. One of the horsemen laid hold 
of the bridle, another took charge of the driver, a third 
drew Luther in rather a rough manner out of the carriage. 
AmsdorfF was not molested. Luther was conducted into 
the forest, clothed in the habits of a knight ; after having 



LUTHER A PRISONER AT WARTBURG. CCXLI. 

walked a considerable distance, he was placed upon at 
horse, and led about in the dark forest for a long - time. At 
11 o'clock at night, they reached the ancient castle of 
Wartburg, near Eisenach. It seems the party had bound 
one of their own number upon a horse, to make it really 
appear that they had been in pursuit of a fugitive, and that 
Luther had assisted in taking him. 

The object of this was to deceive any persons they 
might happen to meet, and perhaps to conceal the charac- 
ter of their real prisoner from the attendants of the castle. 
Luther was introduced at the castle as knight George, and 
was to be considered a state prisoner. The persons who 
captured Luther were John von Berlepsch, chief keeper 
of the castle of Wartburg, and his confidential friend 
Burkhardt Hund, proprietor of the castle of Altenstein, the 
other three were knighted esquires. Luther was now safe- 
ly housed from the raging storms of papal fury. Luther 
called this his Patmos. When the news reached Witten- 
berg that Luther was carried away, the excitement became 
great, and rumor with her thousand tongues, was of course 
not idle, the doleful news spread from one end of Germany 
to the other. Ulric von Hutten was very much excited, 
and laid plans for the abduction of Aleander, the pope's 
nuncio. The war cry resounded far and wide. Even 
the Romanists, who at first rejoiced, now became alarmed 
for their own safety. Such were the affections of the 
people for Luther, that one word of encouragement from 
the elector of Saxony, would have raised a fearful rebel- 
lion. " The only way of saving ourselves," says a Ro? 
It 



CCXLII. LUTHER AT WARTBURG. 

manist to the archbishop of Mentz, " is to light our torches 
and go through the land, until we find Luther, and restore 
him to the nation that will have him." No one felt more 
sorrowful than Melancthon, he did not care about living 
without Luther. O ! how his sensitive soul must have 
been thrilled with agony when he heard of Luther's fate. 
But he was soon informed of all the circumstances of the 
case. Lucas Cranach could now also understand the 
mysterious letter he received a few days before from Lu- 
ther. The principal men at Wittenberg soon understood 
the matter. 

Let us now go back to Wartburg, and look at the con- 
duct and feelings of Luther in his retirement, — our object 
is to give a life of Luther, rather than a history of the 
Reformation. Luther at first felt himself in a narrow 
place, he had been very active, now he must become indo- 
lent ; he could look out upon the great world, but could 
not mingle in its mighty conflicts. He tried to feel con- 
tented, he tried the chase, he mingled with the hunters, 
but there was no enjoyment in so unintellectual an em- 
ployment for him, his soul loathed it — it was too little a 
business for his mighty mind. One day he went with a 
company of hunters, when the chase commenced his com- 
panions were all deeply interested in the chase of a rabbit, 
he felt no interest. " This reminds me," says he, "of the 
devil setting his dogs, the bishops and those messengers 
of anti-Christ, who are sent out to hunt down poor souls." 
One day a young rabbit was taken in a snare uninjured, 
Luther plead for its life, it was given him, he took it care- 



CCXLIII. 

fully and placed it in a thicket, but the dogs soon followed 
its scent, and killed it. "Thus," says Luther, "it is with 
poor souls that have been saved, the pope destroys them." 
He frequently strolled about in the dense forests, he was 
very fond of strawberries, and often went out to gather 
them. At first the confinement did not agree with him, 
and he got sick, but having procured some medicines from 
Wittenberg, and taking more exercise, his health was soon 
restored. He had some books brought from Wittenberg, 
and commenced reading Hebrew and Greek, and improved 
himself much in these languages. During the hours of 
his recreation, he frequently in company with his esquires, 
(for he had two constantly with him,) visited the neighbor- 
ing towns as Eisenach, Gotha, Jena and Erfurt, and it is 
even said that he once visited Wittenberg, and again re- 
turned to his Patmos. This was the name of the island 
to which the apostle John was banished. His esquires 
sometimes had hard work to keep Luther from disputing 
with those who came in his way. He sometimes seems 
to have forgotten that he was acting the knight. Yet it was 
all important his concealment should be kept a profound 
secret. Luther did not lie buried in the castle of Wart- 
burg nine months in vain. No ! he could not in any situ- 
ation of life have done more to promote the Reformation 
than he did while there. He had time in that calm and 
quiet spot, to review his past life, to look more narrowly 
at the doctrines he had taught. His notions on the free- 
dom of the will, and of salvation by faith alone, without 
even the use of any means, he had taken more from St. 



CCXLIV. LUTHER S CHANGE OF OPINION. 

Augustine, than from the Bible, and he was not far from 
the horrid doctrines of antinomianism ; a few more disputes 
of a violent nature, would perhaps have driven even this 
extraordinary man into such a position that he would have 
repudiated all church ordinances and ceremonies. But at 
Wartburg he had time for deeper theological reflection, he 
examined more fully the meaning of the Bible. His opin- 
ions on the doctrines of the human will, predestination and 
election, which he held at the Diet of Augsburg in 1531, 
were not the notions he had learned from St. Augustine in 
the early part of his life. Luther always held that we are 
saved by faith, but he also held that faith is an active 
operation of our own minds. Luther's change of opinion 
on these subjects is admitted by all who are acquainted 
with his works. We must be cautious how we receive the 
testimony of such men as Milner and D'Aubigne, for how- 
ever honest and upright, we may consider them, we must 
bear in mind that they are not of the Lutheran school. 
Whether they and those of their school are right or wrong, 
in their peculiar doctrinal views, is nothing here nor there. 
It must be borne in mind that Luther was educated in the 
school of St. Augustine ; and especially in the early part 
of his splendid career, he used the language of St. Augus- 
tine. When he portrayed the human heart, he drew his 
figures deep and heavy ; — when writing against Pela- 
gians, he was not perhaps as logical and nice in his 
distinctions as he might have been, hence Calvinists claim 
him as a champion of their school 



LUTHER, NO PREDESTINARIAN. CCXLV. 

To prove that Luther's views did undergo a change, we 
adduce his own remarks made near the close of his life. 
" I intreat you to read my writings with cool consideration, 
and even with much pity. I wish you to remember that 
when I commenced the affair of indulgences, I was a monk, 
and a most mad papist ; so intoxicated was I, and immersed 
in papal dogmas, that I would have been ready to assist in 
murdering any person, who should have uttered a word 
against the pope. I was always earnest in defending the 
doctrines which I professed. You will find therefore, in 
my earlier writings, many things of which I do not now 
approve." 

In the early days of Luther there was nothing said about 
predestination. This doctrine was taught by Godschalk in 
the ninth century ; and Dr. G. Lochman, in his life of Lu- 
ther says, " From the time of Godschalk to the Reforma- 
tion, very little was said or written about this subject, there- 
fore Luther and his cotemporaries made no mention of it 
in their confession of faith. As soon as Calvin however, 
revived this doctrine of an absolute predestination, the Lu- 
therans came forward to oppose it !" 

The late Dr. Endress, of Lancaster, Pa., in a series of 
articles in the Lutheran Intelligencer, of 1826, has answered 
the question, "Was Luther an absolute predestinarian," 
in a very learned and satisfactory manner. As this is a 
question of no little importance to Lutherans, we will here 
take the liberty of introducing some of the ideas ad- 
vanced by Dr. Endress into our work. Dr. Endress was 
a gentleman of fine talents and considerable learning, and 



CCXLVI. LUTHER NO ABSOLUTE PREDESTINARIAN. 

his name and memory are still revered in the Lutheran 
church, of which he was an ornament. He says, " The 
question, in fine, whether Luther was, or was not an abso- 
lute predestinarian, was deemed by the writer of sufficient 
importance for special examination." And now follows a 
noble sentiment, a sentiment that ought to be impressed 
upon every Lutheran minister's heart. "Not by reason 
of anything like authority in Luther. Christ is my Mas- 
ter, the Bible my code of religious instruction, in this I 
shall always be a Lutheran. There is in Luther's works 
much that I cannot assent to. He was an astonishing 
phenomenon in the world ; yet he was but a man. The 
Bible to which Luther recalled the christian world, was not 
given by man, in it God himself instructs us, and it was 
given to me as well as to Luther. In reading the Bible, 
if I misunderstand it, I err because I am not perfect, and 
my Master is good, and from his fallible servants, requires 
only faithfulness. But even a doubt, that Luther might 
have been an absolute predestinarian, I deemed to be an 
act of injustice, if the doubt could be solved, and Luther 
acquitted. Should I find him indeed to be a believer in 
absolute predestination, it would not move my sentiments 
on the subject, nor should I love the name of Luther the 
less. Should we love each other the less because we are 
imperfect and fallible ? That would not be acting in the 
spirit of humanity, how could it be in the spirit of the 
gospel? 

"I procured a copy of Luther's works in German, and 
read them through carefully. I found some few expres- 



LUTHER NO ABSOLUTE PREDESTINARIAN. CCXLVII. 

sions, which I thought, a superficial reader might misun- 
derstand, or a mind warped by party spirit misconstrue. 
They were written by a man brought up in the papacy, 
and educated as a monk of the order of St. Augustine, and 
they were those works (from 1517 — 1528) in which Lu- 
ther contended against Pelagianism, absolute Universalism, 
or against murmuring dissatisfactions with the inscrutable 
Providence of God. While contending with one extreme, 
his expressions bordered upon the other. But as the light 
of the gospel grew more distinct in his mind, his modes 
of expression became more and more chastened. Every- 
where however, I found his language strong, bold, and ven- 
turesome. He marches onward to the peak of his senti- 
ment, not heeding which side might claim him. Still I 
was not satisfied, I thought perhaps he might have con- 
fessed in Latin, what he did not think proper to make a 
matter of vulgar discussion. I procured from the library 
of one of my ministerial brethren an entire copy of Lu- 
ther's works both in German and Latin in 24 volumes. I 
read them through. They gave me full satisfaction, I dis- 
covered where the cause of the misconception lay. I re- 
joice that I can now say, that however unguarded some 
of his early expressions were, they became at last so clear, 
and plain, and full, that they cannot well be misunderstood ; 
that in all the matters standing in connexion with the cur- 
rent doctrine of predestination, touched upon by Luther, 
he taught, during and after the meridian of his public life, 
as the great body of the Lutheran church have always con- 
tinued to teach ; and that in short, he was not a believer in 



CCXLVIII. LUTHER NO ABSOLUTE PREDESTINARIAN. 

absolute decrees and irresistible grace, of absolute, uncon- 
ditional predestination to eternal life and misery." Dr. 
Endress deduces the following Theses from Luther's works 
on this subject, viz. 

1. That notwithstanding Luther always spoke of faith, 
as the gift of God, he did not teach that the grace by which 
it is communicated is irresistible. 

2. That he plainly, directly and positively declared the 
possibility of altogether falling from grace. 

3. That he considered the questions about predestina- 
tion, and the hidden decress of God, subjects of discussion 
properly for sophists only, and that these questions are 
not answered in the word of God. 

4. That the terms he uses to designate this doctrine, 
show his moderation. 

5. That several of the passages of the Holy Scriptures 
used by the absolute predestinarians, as some of the strong- 
est supports of their opinions, he altogether disarmed of 
their force, by his mode of interpreting them. 

6. And finally, that Luther taught nothing more clearly 
than that Christ died for the sins and for the benefit of all 
men — of every individual in the world." 

I have read the defence of these Theses, and must say 
that the learned Doctor has most triumphantly sustained 
them all. I have brought these views forward at this point, 
because it is generally supposed Luther commenced a more 
rigid system of theological investigation while at Wartburg. 
But neither D'Aubigne, Milner, nor Scott, notice any 
change in Luther's views. They see nothing but absolute 



LUTHER NO ABSOLUTE PREDESTINARIAN. CCXLIX 

predestination in all his writings. Luther loved the doc- 
trine of free grace, of justification by faith in Christ, he 
looked upon man as a sinner, a sinner totally depraved, as 
dead in sin, in a state of utter condemnation, but still he 
considered him a moral agent. 

In order to prove that Luther did change his views on 
the subject here referred to, we beg leave to adduce the 
testimony of Prof. Knapp ; he says in his Theology, page 
461. "Luther and Melancthon, as well as Calvin and Beza, 
were at first strong Augustinians, (i. e. predestinarians,) 
but they afterwards abandoned his (St. Augustine's) doc- 
trine of predestination, while Calvin and Beza still adhered 
to it, and made it a doctrine of their church." On the 
doctrine of the freedom of the will, Prof. Knapp, also says, 
"Luther with Carlstadt and some others of his coadjutors 
belonged at first to this high party, (i. e. the party of Au- 
gustinians,) the former defended this doctrine in his book, 
'De Servo Arbitrio,' against Erasmus. Afterwards how- 
ever, his views became much more moderate, and he re- 
tained but little more of the doctrine of Augustine, than 
the terms in which it was expressed. He was followed 
by a large number of the theologians of the Lutheran 
church." That Luther in the latter part of his life entire- 
ly rejected the doctrines of unconditional elections and re- 
probations is most conclusively demonstrated in Schlosseri 
Lutherus Lutheranus ; and in the very learned work of Dr. 
Plank, as quoted by Prof. S. S. Schmucker in his Popular 

Theology. Quod vide. 
11* 



CCL. LUTHER NO CALVINIST, OR PREDESTINARIAN. 

We give a quotation from Luther's Haus-Postille, trans- 
lated by Rev. F. Ruthrauff, of Milton, Pa., on the text in 
Matt. xx. 16. "For many be called but few chosen." 
" Some put their own construction on these words and ex- 
plain them thus : 'many be called,' that is, God tenders his 
grace to many, 'but few are chosen,' that is, he bestows his 
grace on few, because few are to be saved. But this is in- 
deed a wicked interpretation ; for how is it possible for one, 
entertaining such ideas of the divine character, not to be 
an enemy of God, whose will alone, according to this 
view, is wanting in order to his salvation ? Moreover, let 
this exposition be contrasted with that which a man will 
cherish after he shall have become acquainted by experi- 
ence with the Lord Jesus Christ, and it will be found to be 
nothing more than downright diabolical blasphemy. This 
passage has therefore an entirely different meaning. Many 
be called, but few chosen. The gospel is general and pub- 
lic, and designed for all and every one who will hear and 
accept it. God requires it to be proclaimed thus generally 
and publicly, for the very purpose that all and every one 
may hear, believe and receive it, and be saved. But how 
do men act? Precisely as is stated in the text, few are 
chosen, that is, few so demean themselves towards him 
that God can take pleasure in them. This is what is im- 
plied in not being chosen in Christ. Those are the cho- 
sen, those the persons that please God, who hear the gos- 
pel diligently, believe in Christ, manifest their faith by their 
good works, and cheerfully submit to the sufferings brought 
upon them by the faithful practice of their religious duty. 



LUTHER NO ABSOLUTE PREDESTINARIAN. OCLI. 

This is the true sense, which can perplex none, and is 
adapted to the reformation of all, On the other hand, 
those who believe that God is not anxious for the salvation 
of all, are in danger either of falling into despondency, or 
of becoming secure and reckless sinners, living like brutes, 
and thinking it is already decreed whether we are to be 
saved or not, why then should we concern ourselves about 
it. It is God's earnest will and desire from all eternity 
that all mankind may be saved, and be made partakers 
of eternal glory J As Ezekiel in the 18th chapter, has 
plainly declared, " Have I any pleasure at all, that the 
wicked should die, saith the Lord God, and not that he 
should return from his ways, and live." If then he de- 
sires the salvation of every sinner that lives and moves 
everywhere under the high and wide heavens, why should 
you, influenced by foolish thoughts suggested by the ene- 
my, exclude and separate yourself from the grace of 
God?" 

This is strong testimony against the doctrine of absolute 
predestination, which has so frequently been charged 
upon Luther. 

In a letter to a clergyman, one of whose members was 
perplexed on the subject of election, and who asked Lu- 
ther's advice, he replied, " Many have perished in the in- 
dulgence of such curious inquiries, it is a temptation which 
leads many even to blasphemy. I myself, by giving way 
to it, have more than once been reduced to the last extrem- 
ity. We poor mortals, even by faith, can hardly compre- 
hend a few rays of the divine promises, or receive in prao 



cclii. luther's views on god's secret decrees. 

tice. a few sparks of the divine precepts ; and yet, feeble 
and impure as we are, we rashly attempt to fathom the 
majesty of God in all its brightness ! 

" Do we not know that his ways are past finding out ? 
Instead of using in a proper way, the mild light of the 
promises which is so well adapted to our faculties, we 
rush forward with the eyes of moles, to view at once the 
majestic splendors of the Diety ! Is it any wonder then, 
that his glory should overwhelm us in the attempt to 
fathom it ? We ought to know that there is such a thing 
as the secret will of God, but the danger is when we at- 
tempt to comprehend it. But suppose we could give an 
accurate account of the judgment of Almighty God in his 
secret determination, what advantage would accrue to us 
from such knowledge, beyond what now lies open to us 
from his promises and precepts ; the former being addressed 
to our faith, the latter given for our practice ? Tell your 
friend, if he would have peace of mind, to abstain from 
such intricate speculations. The subject is incomprehen- 
sible, and the study of it may drive him to despair and 
blasphemy. Let him not give way to satan, who would 
weary him by presenting impossibilities to his mind. Let 
him exercise faith in the promises and obey the command- 
ments, and when he shall have discharged these duties 
well, he will then be able to judge whether he will have 
any time left for impossibilities. There is no other reme- 
dy than to neglect such thoughts, and not to give way to 
them ; though this is a difficult task, because satan suggests 
the absolute necessity of attending to them. This battle, 



LUTHER COMMENCES TO TRANSLATE THE TESTAMENT. CCLIII. 

however, must be fought, and many persons fail in the con- 
test by not suspecting their thoughts to be the temptations 
of satan ; whereas these are the very ' fiery darts of the 
wicked one.' He himself fell from heaven by aiming at 
a knowledge above his station. Thus also he vanquished 
Adam, by teaching him to be dissatisfied with his ignor- 
ance concerning the will of God. Flight is the true wis- 
dom here, there is no room for Christ to dwell in the 
heart, as long as reasonings of this kind are uppermost.'' 

We might produce many other passages from Luther's 
works of a like import, but let these suffice for the pre- 
sent, to establish our position, that Luther changed his 
views. 

During Luther's sojourn at the castle of Wartburg, he 
commenced the translation of the New Testament; this 
was furthering the Reformation perhaps as rapidly as any 
thing that could possibly have been done. He commenced 
this great work at Wartburg, and finished the NeAv Testa- 
ment the following year at Wittenberg — soon afterwards 
parts of the Old Testament, and in 1534, the whole Bible 
was published in German. Thus the great work of the 
Reformation, was now on a fair footing. The Bible alone 
will defend the cause of Luther— well did he know this, 
and hence his great anxiety to have the Bible circulated 
throughout Germany. If Luther had never done anything 
else, than furnished his countrymen with a German version 
of the word of God, he would be entitled to the gratitude 
of mankind ! For all the nations of Europe soon had 
Bibles in their native languages. And the German trans- 



CCLIV. LUTHER S ENLARGED VIEWS. 

lation by Luther is in itself, a proud monument to his name 
and memory. It is even now, after the lapse of three hun- 
dred years, not only the most popular version in the Ger- 
man language but it is also a standard classical work. 

We will here give the opinions of honest Roman Cath- 
olic writers, as to the merits of Luther's translation. We 
quote from Prof. E. C. Stowe's article in the Biblical Re- 
pository, No. 44, 1844. And here we would in the name 
of the Lutheran Church in the United States, and in the 
name of all Protestants, thank Dr. Stowe for his faithful 
delineation of Luther's character. He is the first English 
writer who has done the great Reformer full justice ; — not 
even the most enthusiastic German admirer of Luther has 
ever estimated his talents, learning and piety, more highly 
than Prof. Stowe. Look at the following just and beauti- 
ful picture of Luther's power of speaking and writing : 

" The writings of Luther, as is well known, and has 
been often repeated, have created the language and litera- 
ture of modern Germany. Considering the circumstances 
in which he was placed, and the object which he had in 
view, though we may justly find fault with many para- 
graphs he has written, yet taking his treatises as a whole, 
few of them have ever been surpassed, and some of them 
have never been equalled. He was the first to appreciate 
the essential importance of an extended and well sustain- 
ed system of common school education for the instruction 
of all the people ; and his eloquent and thrilling appeals 
to the German nation on this subject, find nothing to excel 
them amons; the educators of modern times. As a whole, 



CHARACTER OF LUTHER's WRITINGS. CCLV. 

his sermons, his commentaries, his popular addresses, his 
controversial treatises, his hymns, his music, his fables, 
his letters, are all of a high order of excellence. 

" The German style is wonderfully idiomatic, pointed, 
piercing, and full of speaking pictures. There is no mark 
of labor in it, it is visibly a mighty mind and a great heart 
overflowing like Niagara. His sentences are like fall 
charges of cannister shot, they hit in all directions, they 
hit every where, and they hit all the time. It is in his na- 
tive, the German of his own creation, that his full power 
is seen and never out of it. As a revolutionary orator, 
Luther was irresistible. So much coolness and so much 
fire, so much self-possession and so much excitability, so 
much logical power and so much exuberance of fancy, so 
much good sense and such ready wit, with such advant- 
ages of person and voice have seldom if ever, been found 
united in one individual. Conceive of the steady, flaming 
religious fervor of George Whiten eld, united with the per- 
spicuity to seize and the genius to reproduce, every phase 
and fleeting form of human character, — the skill to touch, 
by the right word and the right metaphor, in exactly the 
right place, every chord of popular emotion — which char- 
acterized Shakspeare ; all this set off by a muscular frame 
of fine proportion and manly strength, a fair glowing face, 
which portrayed every sentiment before it was uttered — a 
large clear blue eye, that radiated his very soul, (and such 
a soul !) — a voice powerful as thunder and musical as an 
organ, and you have some idea of what Luther was as a 
public speaker." 



CCLVI. TESTIMONY OF ENEMIES TO THE 

There is one remark made by Prof. Stowe, that we must 
introduce here, although not properly in place — and the 
sentiment is true, and those engaged now in the great pa* 
pal controversy, would do well to weigh it maturely. " In 
the revival of the papal controversy at the present day, in 
the revival of the domineering and blasphemous claims of 
the mother of harlots and abominations of the earth, no 
treatises can be found better adapted to meet the exigencies 
of the times, to repel and annihilate the groundless and ar- 
rogant pretensions of high church bigotry, than the writ- 
ings of Luther." It is a fact, that after more than three 
hundred years' labor and study, Luther's " Address to the 
nobility of the German nation," has not been surpassed as 
a powerful and unanswerable argumentation against the 
usurpations of popery. It ought to be translated and sent 
to every nook and corner of our land, as the best defence 
against the inroads of the "Man of Sin." 

But we must proceed with the translation of the Bible, 
and show the influence that master-stroke had upon the 
interest of the church. Frederick von Schlegel one of the 
most learned men in the Roman Catholic church says, 
" There was one instrument by which the influx of bar- 
barism was opposed, and a treasure which made up for 
what had been lost, I mean the German translation (by 
Luther) of the Bible. It is well known, that all true phil- 
ologists regard this as the standard and model of classical 
expressions in the high German language ; and that not 
only Klopstock, but other writers of high rank, have fash- 
ioned their style, and selected their plans according to this 



EXCELLENCY OF LUTHEr's TRANSLATION. CCLVII. 

version." J. M. V. Audin a devoted and zealous papist, 
who wrote a life of Luther, the object of which seems to 
have been to show his brethren who need instruction on 
this subject, how great, and bad a man Luther was! and 
has for the nine hundred and ninety-ninth time repeated 
the slanders and oft refuted tales that have been circulated 
in Europe about Luther ! Audin says, " the poetic soul 
finds in Luther's translation of the Bible, evidences of ge- 
nius, and expressions as natural, beautiful and melodious 
as in the original languages. Luther's translation some- 
times renders the primitive phrases with touching simpli- 
city, invests itself with sublimity and magnificence, and 
receives all the modifications which he wishes to impart to 
it. It is simple in the recital of the patriarchs, glowing in 
the predictions of the prophets, familiar in the gospels, and 
colloquial in the epistles of St. Peter and St. Paul. The 
imagery of the original is rendered with undeviating fideli- 
ty. Add to this the odor of antiquity which the dialect 
used by Luther exhaled, and which is as pleasing as the 
peculiar tint that is found in the engravings of the old Ger- 
man masters. We must not then be astonished at the en- 
thusiasm which Saxony felt at the appearance of Luther's 
version. Both Catholic and Protestant regarded it as an 
honor done to their ancient idiom." 

Every word of the above is true, and the Roman Cath- 
olic that can in spite of his prejudices pen such sentiments 
concerning the greatest enemy, his church ever had on earth, 
must be admired for his candour. But Luther did more 
than translate the greater part of the New Testament whilst 



CCLVIII. LUTHER REPLIES TO THE DOCTORS OF PARIS. 1522. 

at Wartburg. He wrote a work on "Private Confession." 
This was the first work he wrote at Wartburg, and dedi- 
cated it to " the inflexible and firm Francis von Sickingen." 
This work consists of forty large folio pages, and exhibits 
much deep reflection on the subject. He also wrote his 
comment on the 119th Psalm. This consists of fourteen 
large folio pages, and was designed to prepare Germany 
for the reading of the Bible ; it is a splendid production. 
He also wrote a comment on the 37th Psalm, consisting 
of thirty large folio pages. While he was in his Patmos, 
the celebrated decision of the doctors of Paris was pub- 
lished, called "Urtheil der Theologen zu Paris iiber die 
Lehre Dr. Martin Luthers." Of course Luther had to 
reply. He also wrote a treatise on monastic vows. This 
he dedicated to his father; he had not yet forgotten how 
much his father had opposed him in becoming a monk. 
This dedication is one of the liveliest, half earnest, and 
half jocose productions of his pen, among other things he 
says, "Do you still feel a desire to drag me from the 
monks ? You certainly have a right to do so, for you are 
still my father. But it is not necessary. God has been 
ahead of you, and has himself delivered me from it with 
his almighty hand. What does it matter if I should lay 
aside the tonsure or the cowl ? Is it the tonsure or the 
cowl that makes a monk ? I am a monk, and yet I am no 
monk. I am a new creature not of the pope, but of Christ 
alone ; and no mere mediator or days-man is my bishop, 
my abbot, my prior, my lord, my master. Christ alone is 
my Master and I acknowledge no other." Luther had 



SALE OF INDULGENCES AT HALLE. CCLIX. 

never taken such large views of the errors of the papacy, 
he now sees more corruption in the monasteries than he 
had ever seen before. 

While Luther was in his Patmos, the sale of indulgen- 
ces commenced again at Halle. The archbishop of Mentz 
encouraged the venders of indulgences to resume their 
long suspended labors. " Do not fear Luther," says the 
archbishop, " for we have silenced him ; go shear the flock 
in peace, the monk is fast in prison." But the elector of 
Mentz was mistaken, Luther was not bound, he was only 
forging new and more destructive thunderbolts to hurl at 
the enemies of God and man. Towards the close of his 
confinement, he wrote his " New Idol of Halle." The 
archbishop of Mentz some how or other got to hear that 
Luther was about writing against his traffic ; he became 
alarmed and sent Capito and Auerbach, two of his minis- 
ters, to Wittenberg to prevent it. They so far succeeded 
with the elector of Saxony, that he promised them that 
Luther should not write on this subject. This was com- 
municated to Luther, he became excited ; and no incident 
in his whole life shows the fall character of this extraor- 
dinary man to better advantage, than his reply to Spalatin. 
"What!" exclaims Luther, " the elector will not permit 
me to write on this subject ? And I on my part will not 
suffer, that the elector shall not allow me to write. If I 
have stood up against the pope who created your cardinal, 
(the archbishop was also a cardinal,) is it proper, think 
you, that I should give up to the thing he created." This 
work, however, was not then published. Luther delayed 



CCLX. luther's bull against the arch-bishop. 

it for sometime, and by the advice of his friends, he per- 
mitted Melancthon to soften down some of the harsher ex- 
pressions. But in the mean time he wrote a letter to the 
proud archbishop ; this letter too, is characteristic of Lu- 
ther. He had long enough received the moral thunder- 
bolts of Rome, now he hurls them in his turn; he uses the 
following language : " I now apprise your highness that 
if this idol is not removed, it will become my duty, in 
obedience to God's teaching, publicly to rebuke your high- 
ness, as I have already rebuked the pope himself. Let 
not your highness neglect this warning. I shall wait four- 
teen days for a timely and favorable answer. Given in 
my wilderness retreat, on Sunday after St. Catharine's day, 
1521. Martin Luther, Monk. 

The reader will perceive, in the dating of this bull 
against the archbishop, that Luther in a half comical and 
half serious manner, imitates the pope. The archbishop 
was a good deal alarmed, and sent a kind and humble let- 
ter to Luther. Luther's tract was not published at that 
time. The winter had now approached — the cold northern 
blasts were howling mournfully around the elevated castle 
of Wartburg — the trees were stript of their foliage — the 
birds had ceased their singing — the dreary and cheerless 
winter was at the door, and Luther began to long and sigh 
for the companionship of his Wittenberg friends. He 
could stay no longer, come what may, he will go to Witten- 
berg. It was not only the desire he had to see his friends, 
that prompted him to leave his Patmos, but there were 
other and more important matters that required, as h» 



LUTHER S TEMPTATION. CCLXI. 

thought, such a step. Before however, we permit Luther 
to leave Wartburg, it may not be out of place to refer to 
his temptations of the devil. The Roman Catholics, who 
see the devil's agency in everything in which Luther had 
a hand, make a great handle of the severe temptation Lu- 
ther had, when the devil personally appeared before the 
Reformer, at the castle of Wartburg, when he was trans- 
lating the New Testament, and when Luther threw the 
ink-stand at his satanic majesty's head ! Let it be borne 
in mind, that Luther was brought up a Roman Catholic, 
and of course in the early part of his life believed all the 
legends of that superstitious church, about the saints and 
their trials, temptations and conflicts with the wicked one. 
He was born too, just at the outskirts of the dark ages ; 
how could he at once throw off every vestige of supersti- 
tion ; he had a strong and vivid imagination, and some say 
he was afflicted with a disease something like apoplexy. 
Might not the devil that he saw have been something like the 
gentleman mentioned in Sir Walter Scott's Witchcraft and 
Demonology, who was visited every day after dinner, by 
an old hag of a woman with a red cap, who always struck 
him on the head with her crutch ? After all that has been 
said on the subject, it appears everything rests upon his 
" Table Talk," which is not considered very authentic ; at 
all events, the Table Talk* is not on a par with his written 

Concerning the celebrated book called the "Table Talk" of 
Luther, we would just remark, that we never considered it of 
much consequence ; and the views of Dr. Milner and bishop 
Atterbury have confirmed us in our position. We subjoin their 



CCLXII. LUTHER LEAVES WARTBURG. 

documents, and in them I find nothing on the subject of 
the devil, out of the way, True, Luther talks about the 
devil opposing him, and about taking the devil by the 
horns and by the tail, about raining devils, &c. He of 
course believed in the personality of the devil, but very 
frequently by the devil he means the pope, for in 
his opinion the devil and the pope had one object in 
view. 

Towards the close of October, 1521, Luther started for 
Wittenberg, he reached it without being detected. It was 
night when he got there ; he went to the house of Ams- 
dorfT, the joy was great, but it was not full till Melancthon 

views, after remarking that in a minute and full life of Luther, 
published at Magdeburg, a kind of eclectic work, a work that 
has carefully selected every thing important in the history of 
Luther, no confidence whatever is placed upon the "Table 
Talk f and in 300 pages it is not once mentioned. Dr. Milner 
says, "" concerning the well known work called Luther's Table 
Talk, which though it may contain many amusing, and many 
good things, has yet been a fruitful source of those absurd sto- 
ries and extravagant sayings, which have greatly lowered the 
character of Luther with many superficial readers." I subjoin 
the remark, of bishop Atterbury : " Luther's Table Talk is a 
book that has not been received into the canon by the learned. 
It depends purely on the credit of one von Sparr, that tells a 
blind story of his finding it in the ruins of an old house, many 
years after Luther and Aurifaber, the pretended compiler, were 
dead ! But even if it should be genuine, yet no fair adversary 
would urge loose table talk against a man in controversy, and 
build serious inferences upon what perhaps was spoken but in 
jest It may serve to divert a reader but is not fit to convince 
him." 



CARLSTADT. CCLXI1I 

was there ; — he was sent for — he comes — Luther falls 
upon his knees and offers up a fervent prayer ! How long 
Luther remained at Wittenberg we do not know, perhaps 
a day or two ; but he felt it his duty to return to his dreary 
prison, and remained there until the 3d of March, 1522. 
In the mean time, mighty changes and revolutions had 
taken place. The first was the immature and rash pro- 
ceedings of Carlstadt ; and the second, the first exhibi- 
tions of wild fanaticism. This was a stormy period ; the 
preaching and writings of Luther seemed to have moved 
the world from its moorings, every thing seemed to be in 
a state of chaos, the world was in a transition state, pass- 
ing over from error to truth. Luther had taught the right 
of private judgment — men then, as ever before and since, 
were prone to abuse the liberty of conscience. Luther 
was in no way responsible for the fanaticism of his age, 
nor did his doctrines lead to such results. Luther was in 
many things an enthusiast, but no fanatic in anything. 
Never was there a man on earth more opposed to fanati- 
cism ; no man did more against it ; he considered fanaticism 
as coming from the devil, he fought against it, and by the 
assistance of God he put it down. The Roman Catholics 
reproach us, as being responsible for all the fanaticism now 
in the world. But who is responsible for that which exist- 
ed before Luther's time? Surely not the principles of 
Protestantism; was not the whole Roman Catholic world 
one entire mass of fanatics in the time of the crusades ? 

We shall now notice the conduct of Andrew Bodenstein 
or Carlstadt. He considered himself the chief man at 



CCLXIV. CARLSTADT. 

"Wittenberg when Luther was absent. In the absence of 
Luther he took it upon himself to go on with the Refor- 
mation at a rapid rate; he had the paintings and crucifixes 
removed from the church at Wittenberg, and distributed the 
elements of the Lord's Supper in both kinds. His con- 
duct alarmed the elector of Saxony, and all the professors 
at Wittenberg — Melancthon, Amsdorf and others remon- 
strated, but all in vain-— Carlstadt said he would rather die 
than give up one point of the Bible. Carlstadt was a man 
of some talent, a good share of moral courage, and consid- 
erable learning, but he was deficient both in piety and judg- 
ment; he was vain and ambitious, and easily carried away 
by his feelings ; as long as he was under the influence of 
the great master spirit of the Reformation, his talents and 
learning could be used for good, but when left to the im- 
pulse of his own misguided feelings, he seems to have been 
a poor contemptible character. His thoughtless conduct 
produced a great excitement at Wittenberg, and indeed 
throughout all Saxony. It was he who opened the flood- 
gates of fanaticism, and was well nigh bringing the whole 
glorious work of the Reformation into dishonor and re- 
proach. The elector of Saxony became alarmed, he wrote 
to Wittenberg and to Luther at Wartburg on the subject. 
In January Luther wrote his famous letter, " Against the 
innovation of Carlstadt at Wittenberg." This letter shows 
Luther to have been a man of great prudence and judg- 
ment. He says, " I cannot always be with you, each one 
must suffer temptation, and die for himself — he who holds 
out against sin, hell and the devil, will be saved, and he 



CARLSTADT S IMPRUDENCE. CCLXV. 

who does not will be damned ; but no one can stand 
against satan, unless he is grounded upon Christ. We are 
all born in sin, we are depraved in Adam's fail to such an 
extent that we can of ourselves do nothing; as Paul says, 
'we are all by nature children of wrath,' but Christ has 
borne our weakness in life and in death. As Christ has 
done to us, we are to do to others, as he has borne our in- 
firmities so we are to bear the weakness of our brethren." 
The innovations at Wittenberg, which consisted in des- 
troying masses and pictures, and attacking the Lord's Sup- 
per, and doing other mean things, which are all of no im- 
portance. "While these things have occupied all your at- 
tention, faith and love have been entirely overlooked. It 
would perhaps be well enough to do these things, if we all 
had faith alike, and all would approve of them, and none 
would object. But this cannot be, for we cannot all be 
as learned as Carlstadt, we must therefore bear with the 
weak. God has given you his pure word, and has favored 
Wittenberg very highly. Yet there seems to be but little 
love among you ; how much more ought not those to be 
borne with, who have never heard the word of God at all ? 
We ought to bear in mind, that we have many brethren in 
other parts of the country, these we must endeavor to take 
with us to heaven also. Your proceedings have very much 
excited duke George and many others to anger, and yet it 
is our duty to bear with them, and hope the best of them. 
You have been too quick in these transactions, you have 
entered upon this work with fists, I am not at all pleased 

with your conduct, I cannot stand by you in this you 
12 



CCLXVI. LUTHER S PRUDENCE. 

commenced it without me, and you may now do the best 
you can without me. You have erred, no matter what 
Caristadt may say. You have ensnared many who had 
tender consciences, they have attacked the sacrament, torn 
down pictures, and have out of spite eaten eggs and meat. 
Believe me, I am well acquainted with the devices of the 
devil, he has commenced this work in order to bring the 
word of God into reproach. He has set you upon the 
trifling work of quarrelling with the sacrament and eating 
meat and eggs, that you should forget the more important 
matters of faith and love. The persons who instigated 
this child's play are seeking their own honor, and the de- 
vil will reward them in due time. God has given us com- 
mands, these must be observed, no power on earth has any 
right to interfere with God's commands, be it pope or 
bishop. But the popes and bishops have added other 
commandments. They have appointed priests and monks, 
and have commanded them not to marry, and have insti- 
tuted fast days, and in this way they have led thousands 
of souls to destruction, and in this they have served the 
devil. Yea the devil has himself done this, as we learn 
from 1 Tim. iv. ' Giving heed to doctrines of devils, for- 
bidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats.' 
No power, ecclesiastical or civil, has a right to alter God's 
laws." In this letter, Luther charges the people with sin, 
for doing that which the pope had prohibited, when they 
did it for no other purpose than to spite the pope, or the 
weak brethren. This letter no doubt had a good effect 
upon the people at Wittenberg. But there were still greater 



THE FANATICS. CCLXVII. 

aiflv ulties against which Luther had to contend. While 
he was shut up at Wartburg, the most outrageous spirit of 
fanaticism broke out in Saxony, that threatened to bring 
every thing to ruin. "We will now briefly notice this fan- 
aticism. A fanatic is one who thinks himself under a di- 
vine influence, one who is, as he thinks, inspired of God, 
and is unwilling to be instructed from God's word. There 
are various degrees of fanaticism, from the lowest grade of 
animal excitement, to the "rapt vision" of the self-con- 
ceited prophet, who imagines himself immediately inspired 
of God. Between those two points there are infinite 
shades and hues of fanaticism. Fanaticism in its various 
forms always has been, and is now the greatest enemy re- 
ligion has ever had to contend against ! It has been the 
curse of the church, and is now the prolific source of un- 
told evils in our land. We must be careful however, that 
we do not confound a holy zeal in religion, and a warm 
and chastened enthusiasm for spiritual worship, with fan- 
aticism. Fanaticism and enthusiasm are different things. 
Luther, John Wesley, George Whitefield and Spener, were 
enthusiasts in religion, but they were no fanatics. A man 
may be an enthusiast without being fanatical, but you rare- 
ly see a fanatic who is not an enthusiast. We have some 
of the finest specimens of fanatics in Germany in the year 
1522. Luther commenced his work in 1517, by publish- 
ing his 95 Theses ; during those five years the heart of Ger- 
many was stirred to its very core ; men who before scarce- 
ly knew that they were men, had commenced to think for 
themselves ! Luther's works were sent out with a rapid- 



CCLXVIII. PEASANT TUMULTS. 1522. 

ity such as has never been equalled. All the old land- 
marks were demolished. The mind of all Germany was not 
unlike Egypt after the waters of the Nile have subsided ; 
it was like what the older Metaphysicians call a " Tabula 
rasa," a blank sheet. Between the periods when the pa- 
pal church lost her influence over the public mind, and 
when the Protestant religion was fairly established, there 
was a kind of ecclesiastical hiatus ; this was a frightful 
chasm ! And it seems impossible, that the Reformation 
could have been brought about without such a moral and 
intellectual fissure. Protestantism is no more responsible 
for this state of things than the papacy. This then was 
the age of fanaticism ; true it existed long after, but it had 
its origin in this interim. It is an instructive chapter in 
the history of religion. 

The fanaticism of this period first broke out in the vil- 
lage of Zwickau, and what is most remarkable, is this, that 
Nicholas Hausman, one of the most pious and holy men 
of that age, was the pastor at that place. Luther says 
concerning Hausman, "what we preach, he lives. " Yet 
this good man had to see the glorious work of the Refor- 
mation well nigh ruined, by his fanatical parishioners. 
Nicholas Storch, Thomas Miinzer, Mark Stubner, Mark 
Thomas and others, took it into their heads that the Al- 
mighty had called them directly from heaven, to finish the 
work of the Reformation of the church ; they believed 
themselves inspired by the Holy Ghost and of course 
needed not instructions, either from God's word or God's 
ministers. " What is the use," say these men, " of such 



1522. PEASANT TUMULTS. CCLXIX. 

close application to the Bible 1 Nothing is heard of but 
the Bible. Can the Bible preach ? Can that instruct us? 
If God had intended to instruct us by a book, would he 
not have given us a Bible direct from heaven ? It is only 
the Spirit that can enlighten us !" Here we see the foun- 
dation of fanaticism. Now let us follow up the principles 
here professed. These men soon had visions and revela- 
tions from heaven. The angels appeared to them, even 
God himself talked with them ! 

Storch, who was the chief man among them, in imitation 
of Christ, selected twelve apostles and seventy disciples ! 
Joe Smith, the Mormon impostor, did the same — strange 
that fanaticism should be so uniform in every age of the 
world ! 

One of the very first matters of doctrine and practice 
among these fanatics was the rejection of infant baptism, 
they preached up a new baptism ! These men preached 
with great animation, they raved and stormed and bellow- 
ed, until they were exhausted. Their preaching made a 
deep and powerful impression everywhere. No doubt 
if many of our ignorant people had heard them they 
would have thought them good preachers ! The four fan- 
atics we have mentioned, were all members of the church 
at Zwickau, of which Hausman was pastor — he nobly 
withstood these fanatics and drove them from the church ! 
Fanatical members are sometimes found in our churches, 
and do much more harm in the churches, than they could 
possibly do out of them. The sooner persons that will 
not be governed by the word of God, are out of our 



CCLXX. THE COUNTRY IN AN UPROAR. 1522. 

churches the better. When Hausman beat them out with 
the hammer of God's word, they set up for themselves. 
They sent a delegation to Wittenberg. They met the pro- 
fessors of the University and told them that God had sent 
them to instruct mankind, — "We have special communica- 
tions," said they, "from God, and we appeal to Dr. Luther !" 
The professors were amazed ! "Well," says Melancthon 
to Stubner, "who commissioned you to preach?" Stubner 
replied, " the Lord our God." Melancthon went on, " have 
you committed any thing to writing." " No," says Stub- 
ner, " the Lord our God has forbidden me to do so." 

Luther was written to for his opinion, he immediately 
replied thus, "Your highness for many years collected m- 
ligious relics far and wide ; God has heard your prayers 
and sent you, at no cost or trouble of your own, a whole 
cross with nails, spears, and scourges — God prosper the 
new-acquired relic ! Only let youF highness spread out 
your arms, and endure the piercing of the nails in your 
flesh. I always expected that satan would send us this 
plague." I take it for granted the above quotation is cor- 
rect, as given by D'Aubigne, although I have not been able 
to find it in Luther's works. Carlstadt was more easily 
influenced by these prophets, than the other professors- 
he caught the contagion and became almost as fanatical as 
the Zwickau prophets — although himself a man of some 
learning, he began to look with contempt upon all learning. 
This was the necessary result of the fanaticism of Zwick- 
au — if God inspires us to know every thing, it must be a 
Waste of time to study. 



LUTHER HASTENS TO VVITTENBEkCr. CCLXXI. 

The University of Wittenberg soon felt the withering 
influence of fanaticism— the students neglected their stud- 
ies — even some of the schools were shut up — poor Wit- 
tenberg thou art brought low enough ! Who was to stop 
this tide of ruin that was sweeping over the land ? There 
was but one man in all the world that could do it, that was 
Luther, all eyes were now directed to Wartburg— Luther, 
Luther, was the cry. When Luther heard of the state of 
things he could remain in confinement no longer ; he left 
Wartburg without the consent of the elector. He wrote a 
letter to him asking his permission to return ; the elector 
would not consent. Luther remained a few weeks longer, 
in the mean time things were growing more desperate at 
Wittenberg, and the fires of fanaticism were spreading far 
and wide. Luther left Wartburg and came to his beloved 
Wittenberg. From Borne, a small town near Leipsic, 
Luther wrote a letter to the elector to inform him of the 
step he had taken ; in this letter he says, " Your highness 
knows full well, or if not, be it known to you now, that I 
received the gospel, not from man but from heaven. I 
have sufficiently shown my deference to your highness, in 
withdrawing from the public gaze for a whole year. Sa- 
tan knows that it was not from cowardice that I did so. I 
I would have entered into Worms, though there had 
been as many devils there, as there were tiles upon the 
roofs. Now duke George, whom your highness mentions 
as if to scare me, is much less to be dreaded than a single 
devil. If what is now passing at Wittenberg were taking 
place at Leipsic, (duke George's place of residence,) I 



CCLXXII. LUTHER S RECEPTION AT WITTENBERG. 

would instantly mount my horse and repair thither. Even 
though, (your highness will I hope pardon the expression,) 
it should rain duke Georges for nine days together, and 
every one should be nine times as fierce as he ! Does he 
think, that Christ, my Lord, is a man of straw ? Be it 
known to your highness, that I am going to Wittenberg, 
under a protection more powerful than that of an elector ! 
I have no thought of soliciting your highness's protection, 
and am so far from desiring your protection, that it is rather 
my purpose to protect your highness ! I write this in 
haste that you may not feel aggrieved by my coming." 

Luther entered Wittenberg on the 7th of March, 1522, 
having left Wittenberg on the 4th of April, 1521, being ab- 
sent not quite a year. Luther was received with open 
arms ; great was the joy in Wittenberg. The professors, 
students, citizens all rejoiced. Luther soon became fully 
acquainted with the state of things — his soul was grieved, 
but he did not despair ; he believed the word of God quite 
able to meet all difficulties. Carlstadt had given up his 
studies; instead of examining the word of God for himself, 
he went around the town from shop to shop to have the 
Bible explained by the fanatics ! Luther was to preach 
on the Sabbath ; the news spread — Luther is to preach — 
Luther is to preach. At an early hour the great church 
was crowded to overflowing. He preached for a whole 
week every day — the impression was powerful — Carlstadt 
and the prophets soon lost ground by the side of Luther — 
and yet he never said a word against either — he preached 
the word. One of his German biographers says : " His 



LUTHER MEETS THE FANATICS. CCLXXIII. 

reason overcame the unreasonableness of the fanatics ; his 
calmness and self-possession conquered their excited fanat- 
icism ; his prudent and lovely deportment won the affec- 
tions of the ignorant, and his firmness overwhelmed all 
his opponents." Never did Luther show his greatness to 
more advantage, than on this trying occasion. Fanaticism 
soon began to decline — all the prophets had left before Lu- 
ther's return. Cellarius, who had been converted to the 
new doctrine, was the only man of any note that remained 
in Wittenberg; Carlstadt had not gone with the fanatical 
prophets in all things. Stubner, when he heard that Lu- 
ther had returned and had scattered his flock, came on to 
Wittenberg. Cellarius and Stubner challenged Luther to 
meet them, and argue the points of difference. Luther 
knew that so far as the fanatical leaders were concerned, it 
was of no use — for fanatics then, as now, are deaf to all 
reason, for their want of reason makes them fanatics— 
however, Luther agreed to meet them. They accordingly 
met. Stubner showed Luther how he intended to restore 
the church, and reform the world. Luther listened atten- 
tively ; after Stubner had finished, Luther said, " There 
is nothing in all you have been saying that I can see based 
upon the Scriptures. It is a mere tissue of fiction." At 
these words, says D'Aubigne, " Cellarius lost all self-pos- 
session." "Raising his voice like one out of mind, he 
trembled from head to foot, and striking the table with his 
fist, in a violent passion, exclaimed against Luther's speech 
as an insult offered to a man of God !" Luther now said, 
" Do you prove your apostleship by miracles?" " We 
12* 



CCLXXIV. TRANSLATION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. 

will do so," replied the prophets. "The God whom I 
I serve," rejoined Luther, "will know how to bridle your 
gods." Stubner, who had not yet spoken a word, now 
fixed his eyes in a solemn manner upon Luther, saying, 
" Martin Luther, hear me, while I declare unto you what 
is at this moment passing through your soul." " Well," 
says Luther, "what was I thinking about?" "Why," 
says Stubner, "you were beginning to see that my doc- 
trine was true." Luther replied, "No, but I was think- 
ing about that passage, 'get thou behind me, Satan. ,,; 
Upon this the prophets lost all self-command, and shouted 
aloud "the Spirit! the Spirit!! Luther replied by hurl- 
ing at them one of his withering thunderbolts of contempt ; 
" I will break the snout of your spirit !" The prophets 
now stormed more and more. But it was of no use; they 
had fallen into the right hands ; Luther understood the na- 
ture even of fanatics. He soon cleared them all out of 
Wittenberg. In ten days Luther had cleared the way, 
and had entire possession of the hearts and affections of 
all. Luther calmed the storms of popular excitement by 
his prudence and firmness. There is perhaps not another 
such instance on record ! And yet we are often told Lu- 
ther was a good man, and a great man, but he was too im- 
prudent. Away with such slander— Luther was prudent 
enough ! 

In September, 1522, Luther's translation of the New 
Testament was published ; 3000 copies were immediately 
sold ; in eleren years seventeen editions were published 
at Wittenberg, thirteen at Augsburg, twelve at Basle, 



REPLY TO HENRY VIII., KING OF ENGLAND. CCLXXV. 

thirteen at Strasburg, one at Leipsic, one at Grimma, and 
one at Erfurt — making in all fifty-six editions. Herein 
lay the mystery of Luther's success — he furnished the 
people with the Bible, and in that God spoke to them — 
God's truth was the great agent in carrying on the Refor- 
mation. Luther only awakened the attention of his coun- 
trymen to read the word of God. One of the first things 
that demanded the attention of Luther after the fanaticism 
was crushed, and the New Testament published, was an 
attack made upon him by Henry VIII., king of England. 
This was a treatise on the Seven Sacraments, and the 
most violent attack that had yet been made upon him. To 
this he was determined to reply. His friends remonstra- 
ted, but he would hear nothing about sparing the guilty 
monarch ; king or no king, he must be answered. The 
king had treated Luther with much contempt, and the pope 
had rewarded Henry for his labors by conferring upon him 
the title of "Defender of the Faith." This, together with 
the unbounded popularity of the book, seemed to create a 
necessity for his answering, and answering it very severely. 
Luther's answer is now before us ; we will give the rea- 
der a few specimens of his bitter sarcasm, and his keen 
wit. After making a few introductory remarks, and amus- 
ing his readers with some droll sayings about the king's 
knighthood, and his being made the Defender of the Faith, 
he says : " But there are many who are under the impres- 
sion that king Henry never wrote this book himself. What 
do I care who wrote it — whether it was king Harry or 
king Kutz, or the devil, or all hell ? he who lies is a liar, 



CCLXXVI. REPLY TO HENRY VIII., KING OF ENGLAND. 

and therefore I do not fear the author. I will admit that 
the king may have added a few ells of coarse cloth. 

" I do wish this book were of value enough for me to 
praise it, for I would like to praise it, that I might put the 
pope, bishops and all to shame, that a layman, yea, and 
even a king, should know more than the whole of them, 
that the scholar should go so far beyond his masters. 

" King Henry, and all the papists together, know no 
more about faith and good works, than a goose knows 
about the Psalms !" Then Luther goes on with the re- 
view thus : " All the arguments of the king consist of 
three parts : 1. He accuses me of writing against myself. 
This argument he pushes to the greatest lengths. The 
fact is, he wanted to make a large book, and had neither 
the words nor capacity, but he was determined to make a 
book. How much more becoming would it not have been 
for the king of England to govern his people, and let those 
write who could ? Why should an ass, that is accustom- 
ed only to carry burdens, undertake to read Psalms ? 

" But I suppose the king perhaps thought thus, " Well, 
Luther is now out of the way ; his books are burnt ; I 
can now lie as much as I please about him ; he cannot de- 
fend himself; I will heap falsehoods upon him, and the 
people will think them all true, and so conclude that I am 
indeed a great king- — no doubt you can conquer where 
there are no enemies in the field." Yes, my dear knight, 
just go on and say what pleases your vanity, but you shall 
hear that which you will not relish ! I will drive away 
your lying propensity ! 2. The king accuses me of being 



REPLY TO HENRY VIII. KING OF ENGLAND. CCLXXVII. 

actuated by hatred and envy, in writing against the pope, 
and says I am proud, and conceited, and wise. Well, my 
dear knight, suppose I am all you say — what has that to 
do with the matter in hand ? If I am worthless, does that 
make popery right? If this mode of reasoning is correct 
then the king of England must be a wise man, because ] 
hold him for a fool. The king of England impugns my 
motives ; has he ever seen into my heart ; none but God 
can do that. Then he accuses me of using harsh and bit- 
ter language, in writing against the pope ! No language 1 
ever used is equal in harshness to that of the king him- 
self. It is true I have written against the pope, but I 
showed from the prophets, from Christ and his apostles, 
the errors of popery. But I never lied like the king of 
England. The fact is, popery is built upon lies — it teaches 
lies, and must be supported by lying. The third argument 
of the king is, ancient usages. He quotes in his book but 
a single passage of Scripture, and that is quoted wrong ! 
So many persons have for so many ages believed these 
things, that they must be true. I knew all these things 
long before the king of England undertook to inform me !" 
"The king of England," says Luther, "has but little 
brains." 

But we cannot convey even a tolerable idea of this splen- 
did production, by giving garbled extracts, and it is too 
long for insertion here. We have the same opinion of it 
that Audin expresses when he says, " When Luther has to 
judge a prevaricating majesty, (king Henry,) at least in his 
eyes, then his eloquence is splendid. Then is enacted a 



cclxxviii. audin's opinion of luther's eloquence. 

drama, in which the Christian believes he is a spectator of 
the judgment of the dead. There is the judge with the 
fiery eye, holding the Bible with one hand, and in the other 
the pen which is to record the sentence. The crowned 
culprit appears in all the pomp of his royal insignia, of 
which Luther strips him one by one, first taking the crown, 
and then the robe, and then the sceptre, and at length the 
sword of justice. Of the monarch, nothing now remains 
but a body of clay which has sinned, and all whose ini- 
quities, even to the most secret thoughts, Luther holds up 
to the public view. The earthly monarch conceals his 
face, but he is forced to drink the chalice even to the dregs ; 
he cries out for mercy, but Luther stirs the wormwood.' ' 
This bitter reply produced a deep sensation in England ; 
the king did not expect to be thus handled— he had mis- 
taken his man. Sir Thomas More, who is held up by the 
Roman Catholics as a model of piety and wisdom, and 
taste and refinement, wrote a reply and used language far 
more scurrilous than Luther had ever used. We must bear 
in mind that Luther, as well as Sir Thomas More, lived 
in a rude age, and hence writers of that period are not ex- 
pected to be as polite and refined as now. The calling of 
an opponent a swine, or an ass, was not considered any 
great breach of politeness. The king felt the force of Lu- 
ther's arguments very keenly' — if Luther had been within 
his reach, his head would have gone. The king of Eng- 
land tried hard to have the audacious monk punished. He 
sent an ambassador to the elector of Saxony, to influence 
that prince to put a stop to Luther's proceeding. But 



LUTHER AT ZWICKAU. CCLXXIX. 

Frederick wisely declined, and referred the king to the 
approaching council to which Luther had appealed. 

The work of the Reformation was now spreading in 
every direction ; the writings of Luther, and the New Tes- 
tament were read everywhere — priests, monks, nuns — men 
and women, rich and poor, were engaged in reading. But 
as our object is not so much to give a history of the Re- 
formation, as of Luther himself, we pass on, referring the 
reader to D'Aubigne's three volumes. It may not be out 
of place here to state from D'Aubigne, who quotes Dr. 
Ranke, the number of publications of Luther. In 1522, 
Luther had issued 130 publications, and before his death 
nearly 400 — he himself wrote more than the whole Ro- 
man Catholic church put together, during his life time ! 
The Reformation was now working its way among the 
people — Luther might now sit down quietly, and do noth- 
ing more to the end of his life, and yet would have been 
the greatest man of his age. But he had an active mind ; 
he was not yet done with the fanatics. In the summer of 
1523, he invaded their territory — he carried the war into 
the enemy's camp. He visited Zwickau, the birth place 
of fanaticism, and here took a firm stand against the pro- 
phets ; but here, for the first time in his life, he was fairly 
beaten from the ground. The multitude that flocked to 
hear Luther preach at Zwickau, was so great that no house 
could accommodate them. He stood upon the balcony of 
the Town Hall, and it is said, preached to twenty-five 
thousand hearers. While Luther was speaking with great 
vehemence, an old woman began to yell in an unearth^ 



CCLXXX. DEATH OF POPE LEO X. 

manner. Luther never stopped, but the excitement became 
so great in the immense crowd, that he found nothing 
could be done with the fanatics — so he soon after left the 
town ! Luther visited a number of other places ; he at- 
tracted great attention wherever he went. The duke him- 
self, yea, the emperor, or even the pope, would not have 
excited as much interest as Luther. Luther returned re- 
freshed, invigorated and encouraged. Luther was all this 
time under the bans both of the church and the empire. 
Any person, according to the legal interpretation of eccles- 
iastical and civil excommunications combined, could be 
killed by any one with impunity. No one dared to mo- 
lest him, although he passed through the territory of duke 
George, who was his mortal enemy. But he had a safe- 
eonduct from the Almighty, and therefore had nothing to 
fear. A number of circumstances conspired to destroy 
*he effects of the pope's excommunication and the emper- 
or's edict. In December, 1521, while Luther was in the 
castle of "Wartburg, pope Leo the X. died, and in the ex- 
citement and intrigue which generally attend the election 
of a new pope, Luther seejns to have been forgotten. 
Charles the V., soon after the Diet of Worms, became in- 
volved in disputes, and actual war, with the king of France ; 
and in the fray, Luther was permitted to enjoy his liberty. 
The most courageous thing Charles the V. did against 
Luther, after he had issued his edict against him, and de- 
clared that he would hang the first man that would become 
a Lutheran, was to attend in person the burning of Lu- 
ther's books at Ghent. This was one wav for a great 



LUTHER S PERILOUS SITUATION. CCLXXXI 

monarch to take vengeance on a poor defenceless monk ! 
Poor Leo, had neglected religion while in health, and he 
died so suddenly that even the sacraments could not be ad- 
ministered to him — hence the Romans who always hated 
his extravagance said, " he won the pontificate like a fox, 
held it like a lion, and left it like a dog." Cardinal Tor- 
tosa, an old and pious man who had been tutor to Charles 
V., was elected pope, and went by the name of Adrian 
VI. It was generally supposed that Charles' influence 
elevated his old preceptor to the pontificate. He turned 
out to be a good and pious pope, perhaps one of the best 
Rome ever had. But he did not live long, either to do good 
or harm, he died in September, 1523, having been pope 
less than two years. In the spring of 1522, the Diet at 
Nuremberg assembled, and it may be well enough to state 
here, that this Diet seems to have lasted for several years, 
for we find it in session in 1526, and often during the in- 
termediate time. The object of this Diet seems to have 
been, to put down the Reformer at all hazards — and not to 
give up until he was crushed. 

During the sessions of this Diet, pope Adrian VI. was 
represented by cardinal Chieregati, and the emperor by his 
brother Ferdinand; they, together with many princes and 
bishops, insisted upon the execution of the Diet of Worms 
against Luther and his followers. Frederick, the elector 
of Saxony, was much more alarmed than Luther. Lu- 
ther's motto was. " God is God, let what will come to 
pass," the prudent and pious elector's faith was not quite 
so strong. Things were rapidly approaching a fearful and 



CCLXXXII. LUTHER S PERILOUS SITUATION. 

tremendous crisis — every day the vast majority of the 
members of the Diet, were becoming more clamorous for 
the blood of Luther. Let him be burnt, says one, as Huss 
was. Human wisdom and foresight cannot see how Lu- 
ther is to be saved any longer. " But the foolishness of 
God, is wiser than the wisdom of man." 

Whilst Luther's life was threatened, news came to 
Germany that the Turks under the command of Soliman 
had taken Belgrade, a town in Hungary, and that the hos- 
tile foe was making rapid advances towards Germany. 
This news seemed to have altered the state of feeling in 
the Diet. Luther thought they, is a great enemy to the 
German empire, but the Turk is a greater one. The Diet 
then agreed to hand over to the pope and the emperor, a 
catalogue of one hundred grievances which existed, and 
which they said must be reformed ! This blasted all the 
prospects of Luther's enemies, for about eighty of those 
grievances were also the grievances of which Luther com- 
plained. Here then, there seemed to be a sympathy es- 
tablished between Luther and the Diet. The pope's nun- 
cio, Chieregati, who had no idea of the popularity of the 
cause of Luther, was very much mortified that Osiander 
and several other Evangelical preachers, should be permit- 
ted to preach in Nuremberg, during the sessions of the 
Diet; he insisted upon having them silenced according to 
the pope's bull and the emperor's edict, but the Diet would 
do nothing, at last he said he would take the matter in 
hand, and in the name of the pope seize them himself, 
upon which a number of the members of the Diet, declared 



THE DIET CONFOUNDED. CCLXXXIII. 

they would take their departure and have no hand in the 
matter ; this so alarmed the nuncio, that he gave up the 
bloody project ! Thus God confounded the counsel of the 
members of the Diet, as he did the tongues of those im- 
pious men who were building the tower of Babel ! 

When the news of the apathy of the Diet to enforce the 
Bull of Leo, and the edict of the emperor reached Rome, 
the pope was alarmed, and astonished, and mortified. On 
the 5th of October, 1522, pope Adrian VI. wrote a letter 
to the elector of Saxony, in which, among other things he 
says, "Dear son, as we have recently been informed of 
the meeting of the noble German nation in Diet, at Nu- 
remberg, and as so many princes will be assembled there, 
it is to be hoped that the common interests of all will not 
be forgotten, and that the safety and prosperity of the 
christian faith will receive that attention which its impor- 
tance demands ; and that plans and means will be set on 
foot to extricate Christianity from the difficulties into which 
it has of late fallen. And as you are an Elector of the 
empire, and an advocate of the holy Roman faith, we hope 
you will exert yourself to your utmost to sustain our Holy 
See, and that you will imitate the piety and zeal of your 
forefathers, in supporting the christian faith." This was 
just like the nattering letters of Leo. Frederick had no 
intention of abandoning the christian faith, but he consid- 
ered the faith of Rome as a very different matter. On 
the 31st of October, 1522, the emperor Charles addressed 
a long letter to the pope, in which he says, " When we 
remember that the Turks, who are the eternal enemies of 



CCLXXXIV. DUKE GEORGE ISSUES HIS EDICT. 

Christianity, have taken the strongest posts, and indeed the 
very keys of Hungary, and have their eyes now upon 
Germany, your holiness will see the necessity of not be- 
ing so hard in your demands upon the German nation for 
the spiritual revenues. Your holiness ought every four 
years to remit the revenues of Germany." It would ap- 
pear from this letter, that the pope had complained to the 
emperor of the delinquency of the Germans in paying the 
church ! " Your holiness," says Charles, " also reminds 
us of the shameful Lutheran heresy, which to suppress 
and to crush we have done all we could. The followers 
of Luther ought all to be put to the sword." In this let- 
ter the emperor makes a bargain with the pope, that if he 
will assist in putting down the Turks, he, the emperor, 
will afterwards put down the Lutherans. The attack is 
now no longer directed against Luther, but against his fol- 
lowers ! 

On All Saints' Day, i. e. November 1st, 1522, duke 
George issued an edict from Dresden, against the reading 
of the New Testament translated by Luther. " The New 
Testament, translated by Dr. Martin Luther, and publish- 
ed at Wittenberg, with notes and several prints, which are 
calculated to reflect dishonor upon the pope, and to 
strengthen the Lutheran doctrine." Now, it is well known 
that Luther's translation had no pictures and no notes. 
" I therefore forbid all my subjects from purchasing this 
book, and we command those who have these books to 
carry them to the nearest magistrate, and that there be no 
complaining, the magistrate will refund the amount of 



SUBLIME POSITION OF LUTHER. CCLXXXV. 

money each one paid for the book." This foolish plan 
was the very best to give publicity to Luther's translation, 
and no doubt duke George's territory was in a short time 
as well supplied with Testaments as any part of Ger- 
many. 

Now comes a terrible bull ! Pope Adrian VI., on the 
25th of November, 1522, issued a severe bull against Lu- 
ther. In this tremendous bull, all the pent up fury and 
wrath of disappointed Rome is poured out upon the de- 
voted head of the poor monk. But like the towering rock 
upon the mountain's brow, upon whose awful front the 
storms and lightnings of heaven spend their fury in vain, 
so Luther stood the shock unmoved ! Humbolt says, that 
one of the most magnificent scenes he ever witnessed, 
was when, at a great elevation on the Andes, he could look 
down upon a thunder-storm at his feet. Thus Luther had at- 
tained an elevation in the moral world, far above the low 
contention of this little world of ours ! His was indeed a 
lofty, a sublime position. The bull of the pope runs thus, 
after having alluded to the Turks, he says, " As we turn 
our thoughts from the enemies of the church who are with- 
out, to those who are within, we are filled with pain, that 
Martin Luther, (who on account of his crimes, we are 
sorry to say it, we cannot call son,) a man who has revived 
the ancient and now again condemned heresies, who has 
been graciously admonished by the See of Rome, con- 
demned by the judgment of pious and learned men and 
universities, and condemned by the edict of our beloved 
son Charles, Emperor of Germany, and yet he is not only 



CCLXXXVI. ALARM OF THE ELECTOR OF SAXONY. 

not punished by those who ought to enforce the edict of 
the empire, but even encouraged and protected in his 
wicked ways. And this is not the worst, he has not only 
the countenance of the common people, but of many no- 
blemen. * * * Heresies ought to be rooted up before 
they grow so large ! Whilst the devil, the eternal enemy 
of mankind, goeth about like a roaring lion in the form of the 
Turks, do we not see this same devil in the same form — 
is not the deceiving dragon in our own midst, causing strife 
and contention in Germany 1 We well recollect when we 
were yet in Spain, in an humbler situation, we often heard 
and read of his errors, and the most painful reflection to 
us is, that these errors should have their origin in the land 
of our birth — that land that has always been most valiant 
against heresy." This was a fine appeal to the pride of 
the Germans. But he next reminds them of the action of 
the Council of Constance, in condemning John Huss, and 
Jerome of Prague, and applauds the conduct of the em- 
peror for executing that abominable sentence. He tells the 
Diet that the conduct of the Council of Constance, as well 
as the civil power, met the approbation of God ! This 
was encouraging the Diet to perpetrate the same awful 
crime, under the sanction of the pope himself. The elec- 
tor of Saxony and the friends of Luther were much 
alarmed, they could see no way clear, but Luther was un- 
dismayed. Frederick thought the time was now at 
hand, when he would have to take his sword, and fight the 
batdes of the Lord. He wrote to Wittenberg, and it would 
seem, (for we have not been able to find his letter,) he 



luther's severe rebukes of the pope, cclxxxvii. 

asked the opinion of the doctors at Wittenberg, whether 
they thought it would be right to take up the sword. The 
professors drew up a reply that does honor to the age in 
which they lived : " No prince," said they, " can under- 
take a war without the consent of the people, from whose 
hands he has received his authority. But the people have 
no heart to fight for the gospel, for they do not believe. 
Therefore, let not princes take up arms." This letter 
shows Luther's enlightened spirit to great advantage ; he 
that is so often called imprudent, unreflecting, rash, impetu- 
ous, — in the hour of great peril always shows his calm- 
ness and prudence ! Luther trembled not for himself but 
for his beloved country ; he feared it would now be torn 
and rent by internal factions, and perhaps deluged with 
fraternal blood ; this thought filled his soul with grief. 

On the last day of November, 1522, pope Adrian VI. 
issued another fearful bull against Luther. This bull was 
addressed to the bishop of Bamburg. Soon after, Luther 
replied in a tract, entitled " An address to the people, by 
Martin Luther, touching the bulls of Pope Adrian VI." 
" This pope," says Luther, " has done what no pope be- 
fore him ever did, viz. he applied to the bishop of Bam- 
burg, and asked him whether his quotation and interpreta- 
tion of a passage from St. Peter, be correct ? And I ask 
in the most humble manner, all christians everywhere, to 
judge between me and the pope — to judge whether Luther 
or the pope has set up new orders and sects, — also whether 
Luther or the pope teaches more than the Bible requires ; 
also whether Luther or the pope deals with false doctrines, 



CCLXXXVHI. LUTHER S SEVERE REBUKES OF THE POPE. 

whether Luther or the papists are pure and obedient; also 
whether Luther or the pope despises kings and princes, 
and damns to the third, fourth or ninth generation, every- 
thing which St. Peter means in that text. But thank God, 
the foolishness and ignorance of the pope and the papists, 
are rapidly coming to the light. They are now a reproach 
and a scandal, for they make themselves contemptible in 
the eyes of all men. Thus Daniel's prediction is about to 
be fulfilled, (Danl. viii. 25,) ' But he shall be broken with- 
out hand ;' and as Paul says, 2 Tim. iii. 9, ' But they shall 
proceed no further, for their folly shall be manifest to all 
men.' Is it not a sin and a shame, that the pope who 
pretends to be the teacher of all christians, has nothing more 
to say than this, « Luther wishes alone to be wise.' A pope 
should adduce scripture, and be expert in God's word ; he 
should say, ' here it is in God's word.' ' Luther has writ- 
ten thus and thus against the word of God.' But he is 
mute, and only says, * Luther has written against old cus- 
toms, and long usages, and teachers.' Just as if our faith 
were grounded upon old customs, long usages, and human 
teachers ! If old customs and long continued practices are 
sufficient, why do we not believe with Jews, Turks and 
Pagans 1 Why do we not side with the devil, who has 
always been accustomed to d^ evil? If those usages are 
in themselves sufficient, why does: not the pope point out 
the ground and reasons of those usages ? Or why should 
we not be permitted to inquire whether those usages are 
right, and when they were introduced ? Our God is not 
nailed ' Custom,' but 'Truth,' and our faith does not cling 



LUTHER S CALMNESS. CCLXXXIX. 

to custom, but to the truth itself, which is God. The pope 
tells you that the truth is suppressed ; this is true. Yes, the 
truth, like Christ, must sometimes die, and be buried, but 
it will rise again. The truth has been crushed by popery, 
as Daniel, (viii. 12,) says, * and it cast the truth to the 
ground.' But this casting down the truth is now at an 
end. The truth has been buried long enough, now, how- 
ever the truth must arise, and crush the lying wonders of 
popery. Popery with its pranks has become a reproach, 
the papists have hitherto carried on their knavery secretly 
and openly ; there was a time when kings and princes re- 
spected it, but now the meanest are ashamed of it. The 
saying of Isaiah xxxiii. must be fulfilled, ' Woe to thee 
that spoilest, and thou wast not spoiled ; and dealest treach- 
erously, and they dealt not treacherously with thee, when 
thou shalt cease to spoil, thou shalt be spoiled, and when 
thou shalt make an end to deal treacherously, they shall 
deal treacherously with thee.' " Thus spake Martin Lu- 
ther to the awful head of the church — to the world. In 
conclusion, he says, "It is a pity that I have had to throw 
such good German after such miserable, pitiful, kitchen 
Latin; it is a shame to send such Latin even to the Ger- 
mans, but everything is very fine, and papal, and monas- 
tic, and French, or Lavanian." We have translated near- 
ly all this tract, to show how calm and tranquil Luther 
was, when the storms of persecution were raging fearfully 
around him, and when he did not know how soon he 

should be called upon to share the martyr's glorious fame I 
13 



CCXC. POPE ADRIAN VI. DIES. 1523. 

The sanguinary measures of pope Adrian VI. were not 
carried out, for in September, 1523, he died, and as some 
think by poison. Some praise him as one of the most 
pious popes that ever occupied St. Peter's chair, whilst 
others say he was a very bad man. Whether good or bad, 
the Italians were glad that he was out of the way. The 
night after his death a wreath was hung around the door 
of his family physician with this inscription, " To the lib- 
erator of his country." Pallavicini, a distinguished Italian 
historian says, " Adrian VI. was a good priest, but a very 
ordinary pope." This is no doubt the true state of the case. 

The next pope was Clement VII. He was of the illus- 
trious family of the Medici, the same as Leo X., and hated 
the Lutherans with a perfect hatred, but was as inefficient 
as his predecessor. 

Luther was at Wittenberg faithfully attending to his du- 
ties, lecturing, preaching, writing books, translating the Old 
Testament, encouraging his fellow christians. 

In 1524, the Diet of Nuremberg met again. Pope 
Clement VII. sent cardinal Lorenz von Campeggio, as his 
nuncio — the elector of Saxony was now to be influenced 
to sacrifice Luther. But before Campeggio arrived at Nu- 
remberg, the elector had left, in consequence of the infir- 
mities ot old age. The cardinal pressed his matter, of 
carrying out the edict of Worms, but the Diet insisted, as 
on former occasions, that they must first have a promise 
from the pope, that there should be some reformation in the 
church. After much deliberation the Diet came to the fol- 
lowing conclusions on the 18th of April, 1524 : 



1524. DIET OF NUREMBERG. CCXCI. 

I. The Diet promises to see the edict of Worms en- 
forced, as much as possible, and especially that part which 
refers to the publication of scandalous books. 

II. The Diet considers it of the utmost importance that 
there should be a general council held, and that at the next 
Diet, (to be held at Spire in November,) something more 
definite be determined on this subject. 

III. Each member of the Diet shall in the mean time 
examine the books of the new doctrine (viz. Luther's) and 
appoint learned men, to separate the truth from the error, 
which they contain. 

IV. At the next Diet (at Spire) the opposers of the Ro- 
man court, and the ecclesiastical state of Germany, shall 
be met by certain deputies, and they shall settle this per- 
plexed matter among themselves. 

V. In reference to the Turks, the Diet will do nothing 
until after they shall have consulted their subjects. 

These resolutions perhaps more than anything else we 
could produce, show the influence of Luther's teachings 
upon the German nation. This was all he wanted. But 
the cardinal was not pleased with this determination — he 
made many objections, but all to no purpose, the Diet 
passed them unanimously. There was another source of 
annoyance at Nuremberg to the cardinal; the evangelical 
preachers were permitted to preach, yea and they did 
preach, even against the pope. On Easter it is said 4,000 
Lutherans celebrated the Lord's Supper at Nuremberg, by 
eating bread and drinking wine. The cardinal was out of 
all humor. When he found he could do nothing with the 



CCIlCII. LUT&ER LAYS ASIDE THE MONASTIC DRESS. 

regular German Diet, this wily Italian attempted to get up 
another Diet, i. e. to select such as he could easily control, 
and he succeeded to some extent in calling together a Diet 
at Regensberg the same year, but it did not amount to 
much. 

This irregular and extraordinary Diet is remarkable for 
its causing the first division among the German princes. 
It consisted of the following persons, viz. the arch-duke 
Ferdinand, William and Lewis, the dukes of Bavaria, the 
bishops of Trent, Regensberg, Bamberg, Spire, Strasburg, 
Freisingen, Passau, Basel and Rostnitz, together with car- 
dinal Campeggio, who was its originator. The articles 
they drew up are called the "Regensberg League," or 
"Ratisbon League." The emperor was not pleased with 
the proceedings of the Regensberg party, and at the Diet 
of Spires the whole was suppressed. 

In 1524, Luther threw aside the monk's dress, and ap- 
peared in the pulpit, as a common man or citizen. Luther 
aid old John Brisger, the prior, were the only inmates of 
t\ e Augustinian conrent — Luther delivered the keys of the 
convent to the elector ; the elector returned them to Lu- 
ther, with the message that the building was his. Here 
then, he remained and poured light and knowledge upon 
the dark world around him. In 1524, Erasmus, the great 
lion of the literary world, instigated by Henry VIII. king 
of England and others, attacked Luther, although he did it 
with fear and trembling. Erasmus, when urged to attack 
Luther, frequently declared that he did not feel himself able 
to effect anything. His reputation was still high in th* 



THE DIATRIBE OF ERASMUS. CCXCIII. 

literary world, and as he was an ambitious and time-serv 
ing man, always hanging on "princes' favors," he did not 
wish to go either for or against Luther. No doubt, in his 
heart he respected Luther as a man, and applauded his 
conduct as a Reformer. But poor Erasmus ! was entirely 
destitute of those high and noble moral principles which 
occupied the bosom of his great rival Luther. If Luther 
had not lived, Erasmus would perhaps have been consid- 
ered the greatest man of the sixteenth century. But in the 
blaze of the sun, all lesser lights are obscured ! 

In the fall of 1524, Erasmus published his celebrated 
book, called " Diatribe." He was then sixty years of age, 
and of course not disposed to be contradicted in anything. 
It is very probable that Erasmus selected the subject of the 
Will, because in that department he thought his large grasp 
of intellect could best grapple with the monk, who had as 
he perhaps thought, studied nothing but the Bible and the 
antiquated tomes of the fathers. But he was mistaken, 
Luther's grasp of intellect was far superior to his own ; and 
he found to his sorrow, that he had selected the very worst 
subject in the world for his own good. Luther read the 
mighty production of the great scholar, with feelings ming- 
led with pity and contempt. "It is," says he, "as if we 
were to serve up dung and dirt upon silver and golden 
dishes." At first he determined not to answer it. But the 
popish party exulted and shouted victory to such an ex- 
tent that he changed his mind. The cry of the Romish 
theologians was every where — " where now is your great 
Luther — he has at last found his match — let him now come 



ccxciv. luther's reply to erasmus. 

forward." This was too much for Luther to bear ; he was 
a man, and had the infirmities of a man, and he knew 
the weakness of his famous antagonist, and his own 
strength. He therefore published his reply to Erasmus, 
"De Servo Arbitrio," (on the bondage of the will.) This 
book was hailed with joy by the evangelical party, it pro- 
duced quite a sensation, and from the day of its publication, 
the sun of Erasmus, even in the literary world, began to 
decline. In a preface to the reply, Luther says, " Vener- 
able Erasmus, every body wonders that Luther, contrary 
to his usual practice, should be so long in replying to your 
" Diatribe." The people congratulate Erasmus on hav- 
ing gained a victory ; and they ask, with an air of insult, 
what, has this Maccabaeus, this sturdy dogmatist at last 
found an antagonist against whom he dares not open his 
mouth V The palm of genius and eloquence all concede 
to you ! 

"You have, I confess, broken my spirit before the battle, 
and this for two reasons. 1. You have managed your 
propositions with such astonishing art and steady modera- 
tion, that I find it impossible to be angry with you. 2. 
By what fate or fortune it has happened I know not, but 
certain it is, that you have not said one word new on this 
important subject. And therefore it may seem superfluous 
in me now to tread over the same ground again ; especial- 
ly as P. Melancthon, in his invincible theological tracts, 
has trampled upon, and absolutely ground to powder every 
argument you have produced. To be plain, your book in 
my judgment suffers so exceedingly on being compared 



LUTHER S REPLY TO ERASMUS. CCXCV. 

with his, (Melancthon's Loci Theologici,) that I am much 
grieved for yourself, that you should pollute your most 
beautiful and ingenious language with such sordid senti- 
ments. 

"Your extreme backwardness to appear in this contest, 
convinces me that you yourself were aware of this, and 
that conscience suggested to you that, whatever might be 
the force of your eloquence, it would be impossible for 
you so to disguise your notions, that I should not discover 
their vanity through every false covering. In conclusion, 
my Erasmus, permit me to request you to excuse my de- 
fects in eloquence, as on the other hand, I have to excuse 
your want of information. God does not bestow all his 
gifts on one person." From this preface, Erasmus might 
expeGt, in the body of the work to be handled, in a rough 
way. Much stress has been put upon the doctrines put 
forth by Luther in this controversy. 

The discussion involved the actual moral condition of 
human nature and the means of its recovery. D'Aubigne 
says on this subject, "The doctrine of God's election as 
the sole cause of man's salvation, had long been dear to 
the Reformer." If D'Aubigne means by this that Luther 
held the doctrine of election, as it was subsequently taught 
by John Calvin and others of his school, we beg leave to 
differ from him. Luther never held the fanciful notions 
of Calvin. 

Dr. A. Maclaine, the translator of Mosheim's Church 
History, and the everlasting fault finder of the Lutheran 
church, says, " The doctrine of absolute predestination, 



CCXCVI. LUTHER S VIEWS ON THE WILL. 

irresistible grace, and human impotence, were never car- 
ried to a more excessive length, or maintained with a more 
virulent obstinacy by any divine, than they were by Mar- 
tin Luther." Now we know that Luther in the early part 
of his life, did hold the doctrine of absolute predestination 
and reprobation, and as for irresistible grace, he says very 
little about that ; but the utter depravity of human nature 
he did hold as firmly as any Calvinist can, and the Luth- 
eran church still holds the impotence of human nature. 
"The doctrine of absolute predestination," says Prof. 
Knapp, "was adopted in the sixteenth century by Calvin 
and Beza, at first (i. e. in the early part of the Reforma- 
tion,) this doctrine was at least partially believed by Lu- 
ther and Melancthon." Luther admitted in his controversy 
at Leipsic, "That God drew to himself and converted 
adult persons, in such a manner that the powerful impres- 
sion of his grace was accompanied with a certain corres- 
pondent action of their will." This is the strongest ex- 
pression we have been able to find, and this language any 
Lutheran of the present day might use without believing 
in absolute predestination or irresistible grace. In the lat- 
ter part of his life, say from 1522 on, Luther seems to have 
believed that God ordains to salvation and eternal life those 
of whom he foresees that they will believe, this is the doc- 
trine of our church now. It is true, soon after Luther's 
death some of his followers seem to have mistaken his 
views, among others Amsdorff and Flacius contended that 
Luther held the doctrine of predestination, whilst Melanc- 
thon and George Major opposed their views. Luther 



LUTHER BOUND TO NO CREED. CCXCVII. 

never in all his sermons limits the grace of God, but -says 
over and over again that Christ died for all men. 

Look too at his Confession at Augsburg, in 1530, and 
at his catechisms, both the greater and smaller, and you 
find that he is far from teaching the doctrine of absolute 
predestination and irresistible grace with more virulence 
than any other divine. Let any man take up Dr. Gill's 
Body of Divinity, or Turrentin's System of Divinity, or 
Calvin's Institutes, or any other Calvinistic system, and 
then let him read Luther's Postill, which contains his doc- 
trines, and he will find that Dr. Maclaine is mistaken 
when he says, that no man ever taught absolute predesti- 
nation with more virulence than Martin Luther. We have 
made these remarks in connexion with Luther's reply to 
Erasmus, because Mr. D'Aubigne and Milner, Want to 
make out, from the strong language of Luther against the 
semi-Pelagian views of Erasmus, that he taught the doc- 
trines which they believe. The fact is, Luther was bound 
to no system, and had no master, not even St. Augustine — 
the Bible was his creed, and Christ his Master. One re- 
mark more on this subject : Luther never intended that 
his "De Servo Arbitrio" should be looked upon as a nice 
and exact system of Theology — he just dashed from his 
exuberant mind, the thoughts as they arose from the read- 
ing of the Diatribe. We have not time to say more now. 
We must now go back about a year, viz. to the year 1524. 
And now we shall bring Luther and Carlstadt together 
again, not as friends, but as enemies. Carlstadt had been 
one of the Professors at Wittenberg, and was a man of 
13* 



CCXCVIII. CARLSTADT S FANATICISM. 

some knowledge and considerable talent, but was deficient 
in judgment. As a debater, he had few superiors, We 
have already seen that during Luther's absence at Wart- 
burg, Carlstadt took all matters appertaining to the Refor- 
mation into his own hands. Some think he was actuated 
by ambition, in his work of abolishing the mass and de- 
stroying images, rather than by zeal for true piety. How- 
ever, be this as it may, he was removed from Wittenberg 
by the force of circumstances — his fanaticism was consid- 
ered more dangerous than his talents — he had lost all in- 
fluence and respect. Dr. Milner says, " The previous in- 
temperate conduct of Carlstadt had so lowered his repu- 
tation at Wittenberg, that he had found it expedient, if not 
absolutely necessary, to leave his situation. There was 
a small congregation at Orlamund, in the Dutchy of Alten- 
burg, which the elector had* given as a chapel to the Castle 
church at Wittenberg ; this church Carlstadt claimed by 
virtue of his having been a pastor in the Castle church at 
Wittenberg. The people were pleased with Carlstadt; 
he settled among them, and commenced teaching his pe- 
culiar views on the Lord's Supper, and the breaking of 
images. The peasants were making great disturbances at 
that time in Saxony ; the elector became alarmed, and sent 
Luther to Orlamund to correct the errors of the people 
there. On his way thither Luther preached at Jena, and 
Carlstadt was one of his hearers. Immediately after the 
sermon, Carlstadt attacked Luther, in the presence of Dr. 
Gerhard Westerburg, Martin Reinhart, a preacher of Jena, 
Wolfgang Stein, Prior Binger, who went with Luther, and 



CONTROVERSY BETWEEN LUTHER AND CARLSTADT. CCXCIX. 

Andrew Breunitz, together with a number of the citizens 
of Jena. When Carlstadt was seated opposite Luther at 
the table, the following conversation took place, viz. We 
quote from the account of this transaction given by Nich- 
olas Amsdorff: 

Carlstadt. — Dear Doctor, and you, brethren — I hope you 
will pardon me for coming hither. Necessity and my in- 
nocence have compelled me to take this step. For you, 
Doctor, have this day attacked me in your sermon, and have 
ranked me with seditious and turbulent persons — with the 
fanatical spirits, to whom you have attributed things that I 
never saw. You have thus attributed things to me that 
are not true, and, as an honest man, you ought not to have 
done so. It is true I have said, that since the days of the 
apostles no one has ever taught the truth concerning the 
sacrament, as I have. But that this is the doctrine of the 
fanatical spirits of Alstet, I deny ; or that I have anything 
to do with these fanatics is not true. 

Luther.— -Dear Doctor, I will begin where you left off, and 
I say you cannot make it appear that I mentioned your 
name at all ; but since you seem to take it for granted that 
you have been attacked, then, in God's name, be it so ! 
You have sent me an impudent letter ; this you should 
not have done, for I have nothing to do with you. I am 
astonished that you should take this upon yourself. I am 
glad I have touched you, and at the same time am sorry ; 
I am glad because it convinces me that you are one of the 
fanatical spirits, and sorry that the people should be led 
astray by you. I have preached against the fanatical spi* 



CCC. CONTROVERSY BETWEEN LTJTHER AND CARLSTADT. 

rits, and will do it again. If I have touched you, I can t 
help it; let it be so. 

Carlstadt.— \, too, will begin where you have left off; 
I will undertake to show that you have not preached the 
gospel properly concerning the sacrament, and you have 
therefore, done me injustice in ranking me with the sedi- 
tious fanatics. I do protest before these brethren against this. 

Luther. — Dear Doctor, I have read the letter you sent to 
Thomas from Orlamund, and learned from that, that you 
are opposed to a spirit of sedition ; how then could I rank 
you with the fanatical spirits? 

Carlstadt. — Why then, Dear Doctor, did you say in your 
sermon there is one fanatical spirit that rebels against the 
government, and another that attacks the sacrament, and 
breaks images ? 

Luther. — I have named no one, and particularly did I 
not mention your name. 

Carlstadt. — But I take it upon myself, and am ready to 
meet you in a public discussion on the subject of the sac- 
rament. You should have admonished me in a fraternal 
manner. You say love, love, and yet you preach against 
an erring brother — what kind of love is that ! 

Luther. — If I have not preached the gospel properly, 
then I know nothing about it. 

Carlstadt. — Yes, I will show from the sacrament, that 
instead of preaching Christ, and him crucified, you have 
preached a Christ of your own imaginary creation. Yes, 
yo>M have preached against yourself, as I can show from 
your own books. 



LUTHER AND CARLSTADT AT JENA. CCCI. 

Luther. — Dear Doctor, if you are so certain of this, why 
don't you come out boldly and write against me, that it 
may be known to all men. Write against me, and do it 
valiantly ! 

Carlstadt. — I will write against you ; I fear not the 
light, as you blame me, and I hereby challenge you for a 
pubiic disputation at Wittenberg or Erfurt, if you will pro- 
cure me a safe-conduct. 

Luther. — Are you afraid ? have you not a safe-conduct 
to Wittenberg? 

Carlstadt. — Yes, I have been there, and I was the first 
man on the ground ; but I know that in a public dispute 
you will have no mercy on me, nor will I spare you, but 
I know how you have drawn the people to yourself. 

Luther. — Why, my dear Doctor, you need not fear ; no 
person will hurt you — only come, come boldly. 

Carlstadt.- — I will expose you, or bring confusion upor* 
myself. 

Luther.— -It shall be so — your folly shall be exposed. 

Carlstadt. — I will cheerfully bear the shame, that God 
may be honored. 

Luther. — Your folly will meet you soon enough. I 
am astonished you should threaten any person with your 
writings — who fears your writings ? 

Carlstadt. — -Nor do I fear any man, for I know that my 
doctrines are true, and come from God. 

Luther.' — If your doctrine be from God, why did not 
your fanaticism break out when you broke the images at 
Wittenberg 1 



CCCII. LUTHER AND CARLSTADT AT JENA. 

Carls tadt. — I am not alone the author of that transac- 
tion, it was agreed upon by the three councilmen, and 
some of your own coadjutors ; afterwards they drew in, 
and left me in the lurch. 

Luther. — I deny that, and appeal to Wittenberg. 

Carlstadt. — And I deny what you say, and will appeal 
to Wittenberg. 

Luther. — I advise you not to appeal to Wittenberg, you 
Gon't stand quite as high there as you imagine. 

Carlstadt.- — Nor do you stand as high there as you 
think. 

[How childish the conduct of Carlstadt, he had just be- 
fore stated that Luther had drawn all men to him, and was 
even afraid to go thither without a safe conduct, on account 
of Luther's popularity.] 

But, says Carlstadt, I comfort myself, that in the day 
)f judgment when all secrets will be revealed, it will then 
appear who was right, you or I. 

Luther. — Nonsense ! you are always boasting of the 
lay of Judgment. I desire nothing but compassion or 
nercy from God. 

Carlstadt. — Why should I not? There all will fare 
<like, the great and the small. You bind me hand and 
foot, and then you strike ! for you have despised my spirit, 
and said, let him begone. 

Luther. — When did I strike you ? 

Carlstadt. — Did you not bind me, and strike me when 
you wrote and preached against me, and exerted yourself 
that I should not be permitted to write and publish. If I 



LUTHER AND CARLSTADT AT JENA. CCCIII. 

had been at liberty like yourself to publish, you would 
have found out to your sorrow, what my spirit would 
have accomplished. 

[He had a very high opinion of himself, indeed, and had 
just as much liberty to write and preach as Luther had, 
until he unfortunately was brought under the influence of 
the ignorant fanatics of Zwickau, when Luther was at 
Wartburg.] 

Luther. — Why do you wish now to preach (in Orla- 
mund) without being regularly called ? Or who invited 
you to preach there ? 

Carlstadt. — If we are to speak of a human call, I am 
well aware that my archdeaconship entitles me to this, 
(living,) and if we are to speak of God's, I know some- 
thing about that too. 

Luther. — Who commanded you to preach in this living? 

Carlstadt. — If I have erred, you should have admon- 
ished me in a brotherly manner, and not have come down 
upon me with clubs from the pulpit. 

Luther. — You have come down upon me with clubs, 
more than I have upon you. 

Carlstadt. — I have not ! 

Jjuther. — Your own books show it ! 

Carlstadt. — What books ? I have lately written upon 
the call, perhaps that may be too sharp for some. When 
did you ever try to convince me of my errors in the pre- 
sence of witnesses ? 

Luther. — I did in the presence of Melancthon and Po- 
meranius. 



CCCIV. LUTHER AND CARLSTADT AT JENA. 

Carlstadt.- — Where ? 

Luther. — In your own room at Wittenberg. 

Carlstadt. — That is not true ! 

Luther.—We brought you the decisions of the Uni- 
versity. 

Carlstadt. — You now speak according to your authority, 
I have never seen any such articles, nor do I know that 
ever the University preferred any charges of error against 
me. 

Luther. — Now, my dear Doctor, it is no use for me to 
say any more, for according to your notions, no matter 
what I saw, it is not true. 

Carlstadt.— If it be true, may God grant that the devil 
may tear me to pieces in your presence ! 

Luther paused a while, and then replied, Dear Doctor, 
I know you well, and know that you have a very high 
opinion of yourself, that you are a bully, and wish to be 
considered a great man. But I say I have preached against 
the fanatical spirit to-day, and will do it again, in spite of 
all your opposition, for you do go with the fanatical pro- 
phets. 

To this Carlstadt replied, Yes, when they are right. 

Luther.—- Well, write against me, and do it openly and 
like a man. 

Carlstadt. — If I thought you were in earnest. 

Luther. — I am in earnest- — you may write against me. 

Carlstadt. — Very well, I shall. 

Luther. — I will give you a gold-piece. 



LUTHER AND THE FANATICS AT ORLAMUND. CCCV 

Here Luther gave Carlstadt a gold florin, which was a 
pledge between them. The two shook hands and parted. 
Thus ended the contest. 

Soon after, Luther started for Orlamund, but he could do 
nothing with Carlstadt's congregation ; he had a conference 
with them, but they would not submit to anything he had 
to say. Mr. D'Aubigne, who seems to be a warm friend 
of Carlstadt, don't give all the conversation that took place 
between Luther and the fanatical church members at Orla- 
mund. They were a set of ignorant fanatics, and there 
can be no doubt of it, although on several points they were 
no doubt correct, and Luther was in error. But in addition 
to the conversation given by D'Aubigne, I would add the 
following viz. Luther and the church council had been ar- 
guing upon a passage from Moses — Luther contended that 
pictures and images were not idols— -the church council 
contending that they were. "All images," says one of the 
members, " are forbidden by Moses." Luther said, there 
is no such, thing in the Bible. The members replied it is 
in the Bible, say what you will; upon this bold reply they 
all clapped their hands together in a frantic manner, and 
one of the members said, "What does the Bible say?" 
God says, "I will have my bride naked, I will not even 
permit her to have a shift on." Upon this Luther sat 
down and put his hand oyer his face, and after a little re- 
flection said, " Ah ! listen, that is putting away images ! 
What fine German that is !" One of the party told the 
prior of Wittenberg that he had forgotten more than he 
ever knew ! Luther found he could do nothing with then> 



CCCVI. LUTHER IN FAVOR OF COMMON SCHOOLS. 

and left them. And he says, that they did not stone him 
was all. They told him to be gone in the name of all the 
devils, and wished that he might break his neck before he 
reached home. Is it possible that any congregation not 
under the influence of fanaticism, could treat an eminent 
servant of God in this way 1 Carlstadt had prejudiced the 
people against Luther. Soon after Carlstadt was expelled 
by the elector. Luther had nothing to do with this, al- 
though the dark and suspicious mind of Carlstadt was un- 
der the impression that it was Luther's doings. He mea- 
sured the noble mind of his great rival by his own, if he 
had had the power, Luther would not have ruled at 
Wittenberg. He wrote a letter to the church at Orla- 
mund, entitled "Andrew Bodenstein expelled by Luther." 
Poor Carlstadt, his career was a checkered one ! In some 
things, he saw perhaps even further into the word of God 
than any man living, but his judgment was not sound, and 
there were too many worldly elements in his composition, 
for him ever to have been as extensively useful as Luther. 
Luther returned to Wittenberg and set in afresh, lectur- 
ing, preaching and writing. In 1524, he published his 
celebrated appeal to the German nation in behalf of schools 
This is a splendid production and would do honor to any 
writer in the nineteenth century. He shows in this ad- 
dress, why we ought not to have our children educated in 
monasteries; insists upon having the Bible read in common 
schools ; that it is the duty of the government to educate 
the children ; insists upon the importance of studying the 
languages, as a means of information ; on the importance- 



REFORMS THE CHURCH AT WITTENBERG. CCCVII. 

of good school books, he recommends the study of the fine 
arts, philosophy, history, law and medicine. This address 
ought to be translated and read by all men. It occupies 
22 large folio pages, and contains an immense amount of 
practical and valuable information. The same year 1524, 
he published his work on merchandizing or traffic. In 
this he gives rules for honorable trade, he enters deeply 
into the moral duties of selling and buying, he enters into 
the "tricks of trade," the evils of usury, the duty of kings 
or government to make proper regulations for trade, he 
shows that exorbitant charges are worse than robbery. 
This work which would make a clever volume, might be 
read with great advantage by our merchants of the present 
day. 

The same year he published »■ The Sum of God's Com- 
mandments." The object of this book was to give the 
people correct views about the use and abuse of the law 
of God. This year he also published his work on " The 
Evils of the Secret Mass." 

During the year 1524, Luther was very busy in making 
new arrangements in the church at Wittenberg. One thing 
after the other was attempted, until all the foolish and fan- 
tastic ceremonies of popery were thrown aside. On 
Christmas Eve, 1524, the mass was abolished in the church 
of All-saints at Wittenberg, this was the great model-church 
of Lutheranism. Seckendorf says, " That there were 
annually 9901 masses celebrated in the church at Witten- 
berg, and 35,570 pounds of wax candles were annually 
consumed. Luther called this the "Sacrilege of Tophet." 



CCCVIII. LUTHER ROUSES HIS COUNTRYMEN BY GIVING 1525. 

The work did not go on to perfection at once. The fol- 
lowing rules were adopted by the church, viz. 1. Canon- 
ical hours shall be observed, but not on working days, but 
there shall be no high mass. 2. All childish ceremonies 
shall be thrown aside, such as burning incense — no salt 
and water was to be consecrated any more. 3. Sacred 
music, but no worldly, was to be played upon the organ. 
4. On Sunday, when there are no communicants in the 
church, the choir was to sing the Introitum, Kyrie Eleeison, 
the Credo, the Pater Noster, the Agnus Dei. The high 
mass was still to be celebrated on important festivals — but 
they called it an evangelical mass— strange name indeed ! 
But the Reformers had to be informed properly themselves 
before they saw things clearly, afterwards everything was 
abolished. This shows how cautious Luther was in all 
his proceedings. 

In 1524, Luther published his first collection of hymns, 
some of them were original, some translations from Latin, 
and taken from other poets. This was the foundation of 
the celebrated " Wittenbergsche Gesang Buch,' 5 which 
was formerly used by the Lutheran church in this country, 
and is even now frequently found in the families of our 
old members. This little hymn book contained but eight 
hymns, but the music or notes accompanied it. We have 
stated above that Luther himself was a great musician, 
and no man that ever lived did more to improve church 
music than he. Luther's pen never rested. Early in the 
year 1525, he published his "Seven penitential Psalms," 
with copious notes, and practical remarks. Soon after he 



AN ACCOUNT OF THE NETHERLAND MARTYRS. CCCIX. 

published a work called " The History of Henry von 
Sydphen, who was burned by the enemies of the gospel, 
at Diedmar, together with the 9th Psalm explained." In 
this work he also refers to the martyrdom of Caspar 
Touber, in Vienna, and George Buchferer, in Hungary, 
and also of John Sydphen, who was martyred in the 
Netherlands, but he has selected Henry as the most glori- 
ous martyr. The work is dedicated to the inhabitants of 
Bremen. Luther had an object in view in everything he 
did, and as no human being ever had a more intimate 
knowledge of human nature, and knew better than he 
how to strike every chord on the human heart. He pub- 
lished this account to show the fanatics in the first place 
that men could be real christians, and even become martyrs 
without following the vagaries of their " spirit ;" in the 
second place to stir the hearts of real christians ; and in 
the third place to show the princes, who were wavering in 
their attachment to Romanism, the horrors of that system. 
Let it be borne in mind that the excitement at this time 
was intense. All Germany was convulsed to its very 
centre ; the dark and portentous storms of persecution 
were beginning to howl. Amid this commotion Luther 
flung this tract out upon the raging elements, and it pro- 
duced the effects he had intended. 

Although Luther seemed shut up at Wittenberg, and en- 
gaged in the management of a large University, yet he 
watched with an eagle's eye every movement that took 
place, and adapted his addresses to the circumstances of 
the times. Luther commences this thrilling 1 narrative thus : 



CCCX. THE MARTYRS OF THE REFORMATION. 

" In the year of our Lord, 1522, Henry von Sydphen, 
who was driven from Antorff by the tyrants, on account 
of the gospel, came to Bremen, not that he intended to 
preach there, for he was on his way to Wittenberg. But 
being importuned by a number of pious people, he agreed 
to preach on Sunday, before St. Martin's day. The con- 
gregation were so much pleased with his preaching, that 
they insisted upon his remaining with them, to which he 
agreed. The priests of the Dome church, (now a Luther- 
an church,) and the monks, took the alarm, and sent a 
communication to the congregation where Henry preached, 
and objected to his preaching. The members told them 
they had a good, pious and learned preacher, who explain- 
ed God's word. The bishop sent two agents to bring him 
before the spiritual tribunal, and after much controversy 
with the faithful man, it seems he escaped out of their 
hands. However he had to quit preaching, but after a 
while commenced again, and preached with great success. 
The prior of the Dominican monks did all in his power to 
prevent his preaching. There were forty-eight men, called 
the regents of Diedmar, (or Ditmarsen,) who had a kind 
of civil authority. These simple and ignorant men, were 
urged on by the prior of the Dominican monks, that they 
should root out the new heresy. The prior, says Lu- 
ther, told the regents not to hold any communication with 
Sydphen, or they would all become heretics before they 
knew it. As these men sought notoriety, we will publish 
their names. The ringleaders were Peter Nannen, Peter 
Swins, John Dolm, Lorentz Danneman, Lewis Danne- 






MARTYRS OF THE REFORMATION. CCCXI. 

man, &c. These men met at the house of Win. Giinter, 
and there after having determined that they would burn 
Henry, they devised the best means of taking him. These 
men collected a mob of 500 peasants. At the ringing of 
the Ave Maria they all came together, but the great mass 
of them did not know what for. When they learned the 
object, many wanted to return, but the leaders encouraged 
them to remain ; they furnished them with three pipes of 
Hamburg beer, that they might be the more resolute. At 
midnight, they came armed to Meldorf. The Jacobin 
monks furnished them with light and faggots, that Henry 
could not run away. They had also a priest with them 
by the name of Hennings Haus, this man has revealed 
everything. They rushed into the parsonage, smashed 
everything to pieces, as is the custom with a set of drunken 
peasants ; they broke cans, kettles, tin pans, and the money 
they carried off. They rushed upon the pastor and drag- 
ged him naked into the street. Some cried out, kill him, 
kill him, while others were for letting him go. After they 
had satisfied themselves with the pastor, (in whose house 
Henry was,) they fell upon Henry, took him naked out of 
bed, beat him, and stabbed him, and tied his hands behind 
his back, and dragged him naked through the cold. They 
asked him what he wanted there, he answered them very 
kindly, so that they were moved to compassion. But they 
shouted, we must not listen to him long, lest we too should 
become heretics. As he was naked and barefooted, and it 
being cold, he was much exhausted, and requested to be 
placed upon a horse, but they laughed him to scorn ; they 



CCCXII. THE PEASANT WAR BREAKS OUT. 

determined to burn him, and after many great sufferings, 
they dragged him to the stake. When at the stake, one of 
the party said, ' because this man has spoken against the 
Mother of God, and against the christian faith, in the name 
of the Bishop of Bremen, I condemn him to the flames.' 
Henry answered, ' I am not guilty. But not my will, but 
thine, O Father, be done, Lord forgive them for they know 
not what they do !' As often as he began to speak they 
struck him, some with their fists, some with swords, some 
with halberts, they then brought a grey monk to him to 
confess him. He said to the monk, 'have I done you any 
injury V ' No,' says the monk. ' Well then, I have nothing 
to confess to you.' The monk retired in confusion. The 
f re would not burn. For two hours they beat him and 
siru;k him. At last they bound him to a board, and push- 
ed him into the fire. They then struck him, and jumped 
upon him, and trampled him under their feet, until the 
blood gushed from his mouth and nose, and thus he died." 
This was one means Luther employed to excite the 
public mind against Popery— -the scene is a touching one, 
and well calculated to rouse the indignation of a nation 
that then hung upon the lips of Luther. It was in the 
year 1525 too, that the peasant war broke out. This was 
a furious and terrible war — such as the world has rarely 
seen. The Roman Catholics have made a great handle 
of this, as well as of subsequent wars, and attribute them 
all to the Reformation. This war would have taken place 
in Germany if Luther had never lived, and in all proba- 
bility would have been more ruinous. Sartorius, who 



LUTHER WRITES AGAINST THE FANATICS. CCCXIII. 

has written the best history of the peasant wars of Ger- 
many, clearly shows that its origin is to be sought and 
found in the civil and spiritual bondage under which the 
German peasantry were groaning for ages. The poor 
farmers were nothing but slaves to their superiors in 
church and state. The Roman Catholic church is charge- 
able for the ignorance and slavery of the German peasants, 
and consequently for the blood that was shed by the mis- 
erable fanatics. The tremendous moral volcano that burst 
forth upon Germany in 1425, began to rumble and mutter 
in 1502, and Luther, instead of being in any way its au- 
thor, did perhaps more than any man in the world to put 
it down. There is no doubt in the world, if Luther had 
not commenced the Reformation, and by his preaching 
and writings swallowed up the public attention, the peas- 
ant war would have broken out five or six years sooner. 
Those miserable fanatical leaders had no sympathy or fel- 
lowship with the Reformers. What had they in common? 
Nothing. The excitement was great in the early part of 
the winter of 1524, in some parts of Germany — the fanat- 
ical leaders were rising into notice among the people — 
Carlstadt, too, was not forgotten. In January, 1525, Lu 
ther published the first part of his powerful and severe ad- 
dress "Against the Celestial Prophets," concerning images 
and the mass, (perhaps it would be more congenial with 
the spirit of the address to render the word "Himmlischen," 
heavenly, instead of celestial ; it ought to be " heavenly 
prophets.") This address is contained in upwards of one 

hundred large folio pages, and is directed mainly against 
14 



CCCXIV. LUTHER WRITES AGAINST THE FANATICS. 

Carlstadt, whom Luther accuses of being a party with the 
fanatics. Indeed, he accuses Carlstadt of being the prin- 
cipal fanatic— he remembered the scenes he had witnessed 
at Orlamund among Carlstadt's disciples. Luther had 
been accused by some of being envious of the great repu- 
tation Carlstadt had acquired in Switzerland, whither he 
had gone after his banishment from Saxony. There is no 
evidence that Luther ever envied the reputation or honor 
of any man— his soul was too great for such little things. 
No, he was fully satisfied in his mind, that if Carlstadt 
was not the chief fanatic, he had given importance and 
confidence to that turbulent sect, by countenancing at least 
some of their errors. If we felt disposed to find fault 
with any of Luther's writings, we would select this one ; 
it is entirely too severe and bitter against an erring brother. 
He calls Carlstadt not only a fanatic and a deceiver, but 
even a devil — he warns all good Christians against his per- 
verted spirit. The only apology we can make for Luther's 
harshness is, that he believed in his heart that Carlstadt 
was the author of those terrible calamities that were now 
being poured out upon the country. Luther thought he 
could see in the riotous conduct of Carlstadt at Wittenberg, 
in the breaking of images, the premonitory symptoms of 
the peasant war ; and it was with the full conviction of 
these things upon his mind, that he wrote against the hea- 
venly prophets. And more than this, he was bound to 
vindicate the cause of evangelical piety. The Roman 
Catholics attributed all this trouble to him and his cause. 
"This," cried the pope's agents, "is the work of the Re- 



LC /HER S MANNER OF DEALING WITH THE FANATICS. CCCXV. 

formation — this is just as we expected. Let people once 
be permitted to think for themselves, and there is no stop- 
ping them. Even Erasmus, who ought to have known 
better, and did know better, said, to please the papal party, 
"We are now reaping the fruits of your instructions." 
And hence it became absolutely necessary for Luther to 
take a bold stand against the popular tumults, just such as 
he did take. 

In the same year Luther published his "Address to the 
Christians at Antorf, to guard against the influence of the 
fanaticism that was everywhere raging around." In this 
address he says, "We have long been the dupes of most 
outrageous deception in the Romish church ; we have be- 
lieved in ghosts or apparitions which we now know were 
nothing but impositions practised upon us. The gospel 
has dissipated this gloom. But now since the devil sees 
that he can do nothing more with his rumbling and pound- 
ing, he has taken another mode of deception : he now in- 
fluences his agents to pound and make a noise by a num- 
ber of new and strange doctrines — there are almost as 
many sects as heads, each one, no matter how absurd or 
fanciful his notions, claims to be inspired, and wants to be 
considered a prophet. As I have had a good deal to do 
with these fanatics, I will give you an instance that occur- 
red, to show you the nature of this fanaticism. A fellow 
came to me, and addressed me thus, " God Almighty has 
sent me to you." This he said in a broad Bavarian ac- 
cent. "Well, what do you want?" "You are," says 
he, " to read to me the books of Moses." Where is the 



CCCXVI. FANATICAL OPINIONS. 

evidence that you are sent ? " It is written," says he, "in 
the gospel of John." I had now enough, and told him 
the time was too short to read the books of Moses ; he 
should come some other time. Then he replied, " Yes, 
my dear brother, may our heavenly Father, who shed his 
blood for us, lead us all to his Son Jesus Christ." Here 
you can see the kind of men we have to deal with ; these 
fanatics know nothing about God or Christ, yet they want 
to know everything. But let us not be alarmed — the devil 
must give some signs of life, he must make a racket and a 
rumpus ; if he can't do it openly in the world, he must do 
it in the brainless skulls of the fanatics ! Formerly under 
the pope, the devil had full play, but now he must make a 
noise in this way. In order that you may be able to guard 
against the influence of the fanatics, I will give you a few 
marks by which you may know them. 

1. Each fanatic thinks he has the Holy Ghost. 

2. They believe that the Holy Ghost is nothing more 
than our own reason and understanding. 

3. They believe that every person has faith. 

4. They do not believe that there is any hell or damna- 
tion, but that the flesh alone will be condemned. 

5. They believe that every soul will be saved. 

6. Nature teaches that we ought to love our neighbor as 
aurself. 

7. Evil thoughts do not violate the law of God as long 
as we do not carry out our evil thoughts. 

8. He who has not the Holy Ghost, has no reason. 
These are the foolish doctrines they maintain." 



LUTHER ADDRESSES THE DELUDED FANATICS. CCCXVII. 

This address is not long, but we have not room to insert 
it all. The first article of the creed of these fanatics, is 
the one from which all the other errors spring. For he 
who is miraculously endowed with the Holy Ghost, knows 
all things appertaining to religion. This is the great evil 
of fanaticism in the present day — men become proud and 
self-willed, and refuse instruction, and after awhile reject 
even the word of God ; for what need has a man of the 
written word when he has the Spirit of God to instruct 
him more rapidly than he can possibly obtain information 
by the slow process of reading the Bible. Hence, too, 
their preachers need no instruction. The fanatics of Ger- 
many had preachers enough — any man that could talk, and 
had a good deal of brass, could preach. But look at the 
effects of the fanatical preaching. The whole country 
was thrown into confusion — the poor deluded people ne- 
glected the cultivation of their land, and blood followed the 
infatuated army wherever they went ! This would be the 
upshot of the fanaticism we have in our land now, if it 
were not for the true religion we have among us. The 
little band of fanatics at Zwickau, never had half the learn- 
ing, wealth and talent of the Mormons, and yet they kind- 
led a fire in Germany that almost ruined the fairest por- 
tions of that country. And if Mormonism had started in 
Spain or Bavaria, it would have kindled the fires of civil 
discord there ; but in a Christian country like ours, where 
the pulpit is so ably served, any fanaticism can be kept in 
check. 



CCCXVIII. LUTHER S SEVERITY. 

After Carlstadt had left Orlamund he went to Strasburg, 
and remained there sometime teaching, and as Luther was 
informed constantly abusing him, and trying to prejudice 
the people against him, by reporting that he had been the 
means of driving him from Saxony. This was not true, 
and Carlstadt had been so informed again and again. Lu- 
ther now addressed a letter to the inhabitants of Strasburg, 
urging them in the most solemn manner to guard themselves 
against the " Fanaticism of Dr. Carlstadt." In this he 
says a great many hard things. Soon after Carlstadt left 
Strasburg. 

In April, 1525, Luther published his work against the 
peasant tumults, (Tumultus Rusticorum.) He first gives 
a history of the causes, rise and progress of the civil feuds, 
then shows the poor deluded peasantry that they are not 
on the right track to have their burdens removed. Then 
he breaks out upon them in the most tremendous manner. 
" No one will pretend to deny, that our rebellious peasantry 
are in the wrong, they have in the most shameful and out- 
rageous manner violated their oath of allegiance to their 
government, which according to the ordinance of God they 
are bound to obey, though it were a heathen government ; 
and they have thus loaded themselves with an intolerable 
burden of sin, and have awakened the hot wrath and sore 
displeasure of Almighty God ? But they have not only 
violated their fealty to the government, and disobeyed the 
laws of God in this respect, but they have plundered, and 
robbed, and stolen, whatever they could lay their hands 
upon, just like highway robbers and murderers, who prowl 






around the country and carry on their cruel work of theft 
and murder. And what is worse than all, they do it under 
the cloak of religion and pretend to be under the influence 
of the gospel, while perpetrating these abominable deeds ! 
"May God have mercy ; and again may God have mercy 
on those accursed false prophets, who lead those poor and 
ignorant wretches into such destructive errors ; they will 
lead to the destruction of the soul, and perhaps the death 
of the body, as well as the loss of property — for be ye 
well assured that he who dies in this war, will die a traitor 
to his God and country — yes they will perish as traitors, 
thieves, robbers, murderers and blasphemers ! But per- 
haps you are ready to say, our leaders are our brethren — 
no they are no christian brethren but wicked devils ! 

" Therefore my dear peasants, desist, listen, be persuad- 
ed ! In the sight of God, your souls are already damned, 
and who knows how you may fare in respect to life and 
property. Your crimes have been so enormous that God 
cannot long bear with you — it must come to an end sooner 
or later — and whether you conquer or perish it cannot 
stand — turn therefore to peace and obedience." 

Thus spake this great man from the fulness of his soul, 
but the infatuated wretches cried out, "the Spirit, the 
Spirit," we want no instruction from the Wittenberg pope, 
and onward they went like sheep to the slaughter. Luther 
had given them fair warning, but they would not listen. 

The fire of fanaticism now spread from village to vil- 
lage, until the whole country of Thuringia, Hessia, Saxony, 
Franconia. and all the country alon£ the Rhine, were in 



CCCXX. BATTLE OF MULHAUSEN. 

one tremendous foam of excitement — never perhaps did 
fanaticism rage more furiously — scenes the most brutal and 
revolting were daily enacted — scenes that make the "heart- 
streams curdle and the blood run cold," all, all under the 
direct influence of the Holy Ghost! 

Thomas Muntzer put himself at the head of an immense 
army, who flocked to him at Mulhausen, where he resided 
and ruled the people with a rod of iron. He had instituted 
a community of goods, and rejected all the ordinances of 
religion, and taught that it was unlawful to obey civil rulers. 
The good elector of Saxony was so grieved with these 
troubles, that he died on the 5th of May, 1525, when his 
government was actually in danger from the turbulence of 
many of his subjects. John, his brother, became elector 
of Saxony after his death. We have not room here to say 
much in favor of this great and good man. He was faith- 
ful, pious, humble and conscientious, and a friend to God 
and man, and this is perhaps the highest encomium we can 
confer upon him. It is stated by D'Aubigne, that he and 
Luther never spoke to each other — he saw Luther once 
soon after the talented monk commenced preaching, and he 
saw him again at the Diet of Worms, but they never ex- 
changed words — this is an extraordinary circumstance ! 
He was the firm and unshaken friend of Luther, but pru- 
dence dictated that he should deny himself the pleasure of 
personal intercourse with his illustrious protege, than 
whom, he well knew the world contained no greater man! 

We shall now rapidly look at the fate of the poor delud- 
ed fanatics. Philip, Landgrave of Hessia, was the first tp 



ATTEMPT TO POISON LUTHER. CCCXXI. 

take up arms against the fanatics— -he was joined by John, 
the elector's brother, duke George and duke Henry, of 
Brunswick — the armies of the four dukes formed a junc- 
tion and moved together towards Mulhausen, where the 
rebel troops were assembled. Muntzer exhorted them to 
stand firm — although he had provided no ammunition- 
here is an instance of fanatical infatuation such as has 
scarcely ever been seen. Philip did not wish to shed so 
much blood, he asked to have the leaders given up, and 
promised the deluded peasants, that he would not injure 
them ; but they scornfully rejected all overtures. Philip 
gave orders for the battle to commence, and a tremendous 
slaughter it was ; when the battle commenced on the part 
of the government troops, the fanatics instead of fighting, 
commenced singing the hymn, " Come Holy Spirit." In 
a short time upwards of 5,000 deluded wretches, accord- 
ing to Dr. Sartorius, lay dead on the field of battle at Mul- 
hausen. This battle was fought May 15th, 1525. After- 
wards three hundred were hung, and Thos. Muntzer, after 
being imprisoned for a long time and becoming cured of 
his fanaticism was executed. Philip Melancthon has writ- 
ten an interesting and lucid life of Muntzer, which is in 
Luther's works, Tome 3, page 112. 

Thus ended the first war of the peasants. Soon after 
this war Luther wrote his "Exhortation to Peace," ad- 
dressed to the peasants. In the summer of 1525, an at- 
tempt was made to destroy Luther by poisoning him. It 
seems a Polish Jew, who was a physician, had the pro- 
mise of 2,000 gold florins if he would poison Luther, he 
14* 



CCCXXII. ATTEMPT TO POISON LUTHER. 

came to Wittenberg for that purpose, but was suspected 
and seized and taken before a magistrate, but he refused to 
make any confessions, and by the importunity of Luther, 
was set at liberty and permitted to leave the town. As the 
protector of Luther was now dead, the Roman Catholic 
princes looked confidently for the downfall of the evangel- 
ical party. Everything seemed to be against Luther — -the 
Romanists, the peasants, and even some of the evangelical 
party, thought he had been too severe against the fanatics ; 
every prospect seemed closed, but he was unmoved amid 
all the gloom that surrounded him. The Roman Catholic 
princes with duke George at their head had formed a lea- 
gue similar to that of Ratisbon, the object of which was 
to defend the Romish church and enforce the edict of 
Worms ! Yet Luther stood erect, trusting in God. 



CHAPTER VIn. 



Luther, the Father of a Family. 

We now come to the marriage of Luther, a circum- 
stance which perhaps produced more excitement than any- 
thing he ever did in his whole life. Catharine von Bora 
was the daughter of a portionless noble family in Meis- 
sinia ©r Meissen. At the age of twenty-two she entered 
the nunnery at Nimptsch, on the Mulda, in Grimma. 

She together with eight other nuns, in the same institu- 
tion, became convinced of the sinfulness of those rash 
vows they had made, by reading Luther's works, and in 
1523, lefuhe abodes of darkness, and came to Wittenberg, 
Luther interested himself in their behalf, and had them all 
placed in respectable families. Luther was not insensible 
to the charms of woman, his soul was formed for friend- 
ship, but at first he never dreamed of marrying Catharine. 
There was another liberated nun, Eve von Schonfeld, who 
had made a deep impression upon his heart, but it seems 
at that time he had either not made up his mind to marry, or 
did not see his way clear, or perhaps his affections were not 
reciprocated. It would seem that Gatharine had a strong 
affection for Luther, long before he knew it. Luther con- 
sidered himself her protector, and attempted to contract a 
respectable marriage for her on two occasions. First, to 



CCCXXIV. LUTHER S MARRIAGE. 1526. 

Jerome Baumgartner, a very respectable lawyer, and then 
to Dr. Glatzer, pastor of the church at Orlamund. But 
Catharine rejected both, and for the simple reason that 
she loved Luther himself. This fact was first communi- 
cated to Luther by Margaret, the amiable wife of Philip 
Melancthon. Luther was not so well acquainted with the 
female heart, as with the other departments of human na- 
ture, or he would have perceived that Catharine loved him. 
The knowledge of this fact seems to have changed his 
mind, and he determined, as he says, " to play the devil a 
trick, and marry Catharine." There were a number of 
reasons why he should marry. His father urged him to 
do it,— Melancthon told him he preached one thing and 
practised another. He was fully convinced that preachers 
ought to get married — and most of all he was formed for 
domestic happiness. He therefore got married on the 
13th of June, 1526. Luther was 42, and Catherine 26; 
16 years difference in their ages was then not considered 
a great disparity in Germany. They were married by 
Dr. John Bugenhagen, whom Luther styled, by way of em- 
inence, the pa&tor of Wittenberg. The wedding party, ac- 
cording to the latest German works, consisted of Lucas 
Cranach, the celebrated painter, and his wife, Dr. Jonas 
and his wife, Reichenbach and his wife, and a young law- 
yer of Wittenberg, by the name of Apel. Catharine was 
a very handsome and talented woman, and seems to have 
been one of the best of wives. They lived happily together, 
and the great Reformer never had reason to regret his mar- 
riage. 



DOMESTIC HAPPINESS OF LUTHER. CCCXXV. 

Melancthon, in a Greek letter to Camerarius, says, "As 
some unfounded reports will probably reach you respect- 
ing the marriage of Luther, I think it proper to inform you 
of the real state of the case. On the 13th of June, Lu- 
ther, to our great surprise, married Catharine von Bora. 
Some may be astonished that he should have married at 
this unfavorable juncture of public affairs, so deeply af- 
fecting to every good man, and thus appear to be unaffect- 
ed and careless about the distressing events which have 
occurred amongst us, even when his own reputation suf- 
fers, at a moment when Germany most requires his talents 
and influence. This however, is my view of the subject : 
Luther is a man who has nothing misanthropic about him ; 
you know his habits. Surely it is no wonderful thing that 
his great and benevolent soul should be influenced by the 
softer affections ! I have long had in my possession the 
most decisive evidences of his piety and love to God." 
Luther concerned himself very little about the opinions of 
the worlds— he himself was then forming the opinions of a 
whole nation. Luther and his Katey lived in the greatest 
harmony and peace ; God smiled upon this union. Catha- 
rine loved Luther with all the intensity of woman's affec- 
tion. She was, according to the united testimony of all 
who knew her, an interesting woman. She was pious, 
modest, and unassuming, plain but neat in her dress. She 
shared the cares and anxieties of her husband, sweetened 
his enjoyments, and cheered him amid his numerous diffi- 
culties. Luther says, and it is the testimony every man 
should be able to bear to his wife, " My Katey comforts 



CCCXXVI. LUTHER S PLAYFULNESS. 

me when I am cast down, by reciting passages from the 
Bible, relieving me from the cares of the house ; in the 
intervals of leisure she sits by me, working my portrait 
in embroidery, or reminding me of the friends I have ne- 
glected in my correspondence, and amuses me by the sim= 
plieity of her questions." She was truly pious, and it 
was her piety that made her a fit companion for so good a 
man. Luther was deeply sensible of the precious gift he 
had received from God in his wife. Luther writes to a 
friend one year after his marriage thus, " God be praised 
for blessing me with such a wife ; she is far more to me 
than my fondest hopes led me to expect ; I would not give 
my poverty with my Catharine, for all the treasures of the 
earth." He was often heard to exclaim, "My Catharine 
is worth more to me than all the wealth of the Venitians ; 
she was given to me in answer to prayer ; her virtues are 
not to be appreciated, and she has been to me a most faith- 
ful and affectionate wife." What a noble testimony to a 
virtuous wife ! 

In his letters he was often playful — he styled her his 
"Lord Katey,' or his " Mrs. Dr.," and most generally, 
his "Dear and amiable Katey," or his " Dear and most 
gracious wife." 

At first, Luther was somewhat dejected in consequence 
of the great excitement his marriage produced, but the 
sweet enjoyment of connubial felicity, soon dispelled the 
darkness that hung over his mind. In Catharine he found 
every thing that heart could wish ; their minds and hearts, 
their dispositions and feelings harmonized. He was a 



CCCXXVII. 

happy husband, and Catharine adored him with an Eastern 
devotion — she was proud of his splendid talents, and im- 
mense popularity ; and well she might rejoice in being the 
wife of the greatest man of his age ! True piety and vir- 
tue were the chief ornaments of her mind ! She obeyed 
him implicitly ; his will was her will ; she managed the 
affairs of the household prudently. Luther acknowledges 
in his Will, how careful and prudent his wife had been, 
and how well she had managed his affairs, and committed 
every thing into her hands. " On one occasion," say his 
German biographers, "as Luther was examining, critically, 
the 22d Psalm, he locked himself in his study. His mind 
was so much absorbed with deep thoughts that he sunk 
under the great burden — here he remained three days and 
three nights, without having any communication with any 
person — his wife did not know what had become of him ; 
at last she became alarmed, and made inquiry about him ; 
but she could hear nothing of him. At last she went to 
the door of his study and found it locked, she became 
dreadfully alarmed and had the door bursted open, expect- 
ing nothing else than to find him dead ! But there he sat 
at his table with the 22d Psalm open before him, so deep- 
ly absorbed in meditation that he noticed nothing that tran- 
spired around him. The fire of his eye was dimmed, the 
animation of his lively countenance had departed. When 
he was first awakened to a consciousness of his being yet in 
this world, he was quite displeased with those who had 
interrupted his revery, but soon became satisfied with the 
deep solicitude his wife had manifested in his behalf! This 



cccxxvm. luther's intense application. 

is an instance of extraordinary abstraction, the subject was 
indeed well calculated to lead his great soul into the dark 
shades of forgetfulness ! 

The monk and the nun were good house-keepers, and 
this is rather surprising, as the one was raised in a monas- 
tery, the other in a nunnery, but their good sense made up 
for the want of practical instruction. Luther's benevolence 
and sociality were largely developed, hence his hospitality 
was unbounded, his friends could never come too often, and 
Catharine loved to provide for them, — nothing afforded 
her more pleasure than to make his friends happy,* hence 
they were well met. 

Luther in consequence of his immense labors, could not 
devote much time to the society of his wife, and she had 
sense enough not to expect it, still he was a man of do- 
mestic habits ; just look at the following picture he draws, 
" My house has become a hospital, Hannah is very sick, 
Katey is near her confinement, little John is teething very 
hard, the plague has broke out in Wittenberg, Sebald's 
wife is dead and we have taken his four children into our 
house— -we are without help, for our hired girl was so full 
of all mischief that we had to send her away !" This was 
a trying time ; at another time he says, " I have such con- 
stant pain in my head that I can neither read nor write — 
I have taken such a cold that I cannot speak a loud word— 
my brain is often worn out." He was often obliged to act 
as nurse, and cook when his wife was sick, but he was al- 
ways cheerful and happy — his income was small, and he 
had to live economically. Luther received five hundred 



LUTHER BLIND OF ONE EYE. CCCXX1X. 

and forty guilders per annum salary, i. e. about two hun- 
dred and thirty-six dollars ; this was his entire income at 
Wittenberg. 

No wonder he could say in his old age, " Old and worn 
out, weary and spiritless, and now blind of one eye, I long 
for a little rest and quiet ; and yet I must still write, and 
preach, and work, and endure, as if I had never done any- 
thing. I am weary of the world, and it is time the world 
were weary of me. The parting will be easy, like that 
of a traveller leaving the inn. I only pray that God will 
be kind to me in my last hour." But to return to Luther 
and Catharine. In order to show how much Luther loved 
his wife, we would give one of his droll and original expres- 
sions. It is well known how much Luther loved Paul's 
Epistle to the Galatians ; on one occasion, writing to a 
friend, he says, " I love Paul's Epistle to the Galatians, I 
am married to it, — it is my Catharine von Bora !" 

It is stated that Catharine was much dejected on one 
occasion, by the intelligence that a dear friend had died. 
She wept, and was much distressed ; Luther consoled her 
by telling her that God was not dead, and for his part, he 
would never be dejected as long as God lived. Not long 
afterwards, when everything looked dark and gloomy in 
the Church, Luther came home very much cast down. 
Catharine said nothing, but clothed herself in mourning, 
and went into his study. Luther looked at her with 
amazement. "Why, Katey ! who's dead!" She re- 
plied, "God!" "What! God dead ?— What do you 
mean, are you beside yourself ?" " Why, dear husband, 



CCCXXX. LUTHER S CHILDREN. 

did 3^011 not tell me, that you would never be cast down 
as long as God lived ?" "Yes." "Well, to-day I saw 
that you were very much dejected, and I took it for granted 
that God was dead I" " God bless you, my dear Katey, 
you have taught me a lesson, — I will never be discouraged 
again !" Whether this story be true or not, it is a beauti- 
ful incident. Many more interesting anecdotes of Luther 
and Catharine are told, but we have not room to repeat 
them. 

Luther and Catharine were blest with six children, three 
sons and as many daughters. Of these, four survived their 
parents. The oldest, named John, studied law, and be- 
came an eminent counsellor, first in Saxony and afterwards 
in Prussia. The second son, Martin, became a preacher, 
but never took charge of a congregation, he died in 1565. 
The third son, Paul, studied medicine, and became a Pro- 
fessor at Jena, afterwards he became family physician of 
Duke John, Elector of Saxony, and professor at Gotha. 
He was a man of considerable eminence. He was mar- 
ried to Anna von Warbeck, and was the only one of Lu- 
ther's sons that ever married ; and through him the family 
and name of Luther were perpetuated. Some of his de- 
scendants are still living in Germany. Dr. Reinthaler, of 
Erfurt, has now under his charge, I think, two of the great 
Reformer's descendants, who are being educated by the 
Lutheran Church. Dr. C. R. Demme, pastor of Zion's 
Church, Philadelphia, has written a pamphlet, giving an 
account of the geneaology of the Luther family, which 
may be consulted. 



THRILLING SCENE AT THE DEATH BED OF A CHILD. CCCXXXI 

Of the daughters, the first called Elizabeth, died in in- 
fancy. The second, Magdalena, died in her 13th year. 
The third, Margaret, lived to be married to George von 
Kunheim, a lawyer of Prussia. 

Let us now take a closer view of the great Reformer in 
the domestic circle, here we can see what a man is — here 
the true character of the man is exhibited without dis- 
guise — here the great scholar, the statesman, the soldier, 
is unmasked ; the fictitious drapery is thrown aside, the 
heart is made bare, and man appears what he is in reality ! 
Luther in this respect was everything that a man ought to 
be ; he was a christian and a father ; a more affectionate 
and tender father never lived, his whole being was wrapt 
up in his children. When his infant daughter Elizabeth 
died, at the age of eight months, he was deeply distressed, 
the great man wept. In a letter to Nicholas Hausman, he 
says, " I never believed that the parental feelings were so 
tender !" But afterwards when called to part with an in- 
teresting daughter, thirteen years old, his affliction was ex- 
ceedingly great. This is one of the most touching pic- 
tures in the life of Luther, and shows the tenderness of 
the father in a strong light. She seems to have been a 
very interesting and affectionate child, uniting the firmness 
and perseverance of the father, with the gentleness and 
delicacy of the mother. When she became very ill, and 
all hopes of her recovery Avere gone. Luther said, "Dear- 
ly do I love her, but O ! my God, if it be thy will to take 
her hence, I resign her without a murmur." Deeply af- 
fected, he then approached her bed, and taking the hand of 



CCCXXXII. THRILLING SCENE AT THE DEATH BED OF A CHILD. 

his dying child, he said with strong emotion, " My dear 
little daughter, my beloved Magdalena, I know you would 
willingly remain with your earthly father, but if God calls 
you, are you not also willing to go to your heavenly fa- 
ther T* " Yes," replied the dying child, " dear father, just 
as God pleases." "O !" says Luther, "my dear child, 
how I love you ! the spirit is willing but the flesh is 
weak." Luther then took the Bible and read her the pas- 
sage in Isaiah xxvi. 19. In German it reads thus, " But 
thy dead shall live, and with their bodies shall they arise ; 
awake and rejoice ye that rest under the earth, for thy dew 
is the dew of a green field, but the land of death thou 
shalt overcome." He then said, " My daughter, enter 
thou into thy resting place." The dying child then turned 
her eyes to him, and with touching simplicity said, "Yes, 
father." 

When her last moments were near, she raised her dy- 
ing eyes tenderly to her parents, and begged them not to 
weep for her. "I go," said she, "to my Father in hea- 
ven," and a sweet smile radiated her dying countenance. 
Luther burst out in tears, and cast himself upon his knees, 
and prayed most fervently for the deliverance of his pious 
child. In a few moments the child died in the arms of 
her father ! Catharine, unequal to the painful task of wit- 
nessing this heart-rending scene, stood at a distance. When 
the child was dead, Luther opened the Bible, and read 
Rom. xiv. 7, 8, and then exclaimed, " Yes, the will of God 
be done." Philip Melancthon, who was present, said, 
1 Parental love is an image of the divine love imprest 



PARENTAL LOVE OF LUTHER. CCCXXXIII. 

upon the hearts of men. God does not love the beings he 
has created, less than parents love their children." 

To the disconsolate mother, Luther said on this trying 
occasion, " Dear Catharine, remember where she is gone ; 
ah, she has made a blessed exchange ! The heart no 
doubt bleeds, it is natural that it should, but the immortal 
spirit rejoices. Happy are those who die young !" When 
the funeral took place, some friends said they sympathized 
with him in his affliction. "Be not sorrowful for me," 
he replied, " I have sent a saint to heaven; O, may we 
all die such a death !" Luther's attachment to his wife 
and children was remarkably strong. On one occasion, 
after a considerable absence from his family, when he got 
home he said, " Ah, how my heart yearned for you and 
my children, when I was sick from home ; I feared I should 
never see you and our children again. What anguish did 
this separation cost me." 

Luther loved to play and romp with his children. On 
one occasion when playing with one of his children that 
was very lively, he made this remark, "Thou art the in- 
nocent little simpleton of our Lord, under grace, and not 
under the law. Thou hast no fear, and no anxiety. We 
old simpletons eternally torment ourselves by disputes 
about the word. We are always saying, ' is it true V or 
* is it possible V or ' how can it be V Children do not 
doubt, they believe everything. We ought to follow their 
example for our own salvation, and simply trust the word. 
But the devil is always throwing something in our 
way." 



CCCXXXIV. PIETY OF LUTHER. 

Luther's family was well ordered before God, he ruled 
his children with affection. He had seen in his father's 
house the evils of undue severity in the raising of chil- 
dren, and he no doubt profited by it. Luther was fond of 
music and took great pleasure in instructing his children 
in that delightful art, and many were the happy hours he 
and his family spent together in the domestic circle. 

Much of course might be written about Luther's domes- 
tic habits, his disposition, his piety, his manners, his fam- 
ily government and his dress, but we have not the room to 
enlarge upon these interesting points. Luther was pious, 
of this there can be no doubt, his whole splendid life was 
one of piety. Many, especially among the Roman Cath- 
olics, admit that he was a man of splendid and extensive 
acquirements, but will hear nothing of his being a man of 
piety. In their estimation he was a heretic, and how could 
he be pious — he had been a monk, and violated his vows — 
how can the enemy of the pope be pious ? The Roman 
Catholic priests in this country, now teach their poor ig- 
norant followers that Luther is in hell — they know better, 
but such things will help to keep the ignorant in the 
papal church, and thus they can get paid for their masses, 
and prayers, and unctions, &c. 

Dr. Spalding, the great western mouth-piece of Rome, 
says, " Such was Luther before he began the Reformation 
in 1517 ; how changed alas ! was he after this period. He 
is no longer the humble monk, the scrupulous priest, the 
fervent christian, that he was before. Amidst the storm 
which he had excited, he gradually suffered shipwreck of 



PROTESTANTISM LUTHER S APOLOGY. CCCXXXV. 

almost every virtue, and became reckless and depraved, 
the mere creature of impulse, the child of pride, the vic- 
tim of violent and degrading passion." 

This is but the echo of that voice which Rome has been 
uttering for upwards of three hundred years. It would 
indeed be a hard matter for any man to compress more 
heartless misrepresentation, and more right-down falsehood 
into so many lines ! If Luther was reckless and depraved 
God help the popes and their minions. I suppose accord 
ing to the moral code of Rome, Luther became unscrupu- 
lous when he refused absolution to the poor deluded papists 
who came to him in the confessional with their indulgen- 
ces — he lost the fervency of his piety when he refused to 
mumble over 45 Ave Marias on an empty stomach, with as 
many Pater Nosters — he became reckless when he dared 
to say "nay" to the mandates of the haughty pontiff — he 
became depraved when he called in question the power of 
the church — he became proud when at the Diet of Worms 
he refused to revoke the truth — and lost his virtue when 
he got married — and became the creature of impulse when 
he carried away nearly half the church from the " Man 
of Sin." But we have not time to stop and refute such 
puerile slang. Luther needs no apologist — Protestantism 
is his apology. Look at the seventy millions of Protest- 
ant christians now on earth — the most intelligent, pious, 
enterprising and happy — ah ! and the most free and inde- 
pendent of all the inhabitants in the world. Look at the 
colleges, seminaries, schools, books, and all the mighty 
moral machinery that is now moving the world — and ask 



CUCXXXVI. PROTESTANTISM LUTHER S APOLOGY. 

who started all this — -the answer is Luther ! Every good 
man ought to pray to God to send us more such " depraved 
and reckless" men like Luther! Luther not pious ! Look 
at his writings, especially his private correspondence, 
where he breathes out his inmost thoughts into the bosoms 
of his confidential friends ! This is the department in 
which we can learn the real sentiments of the man. We 
have read many, very many of his letters. Yea, perhaps 
all that have escaped the general decay of three hundred 
years — from the first he wrote to his old friend John 
Braum, of Eisleben, April 22d, 1507, to the one he sent to 
his wife from Eisleben, 1546, a few days before his death. 
His letters are very numerous, and in all of them, his Mas- 
ter, Jesus Christ, occupies a prominent part — nearly every 
letter begins and ends with Christ. Even his business let- 
ters are full of Christ. No one can read his letters with- 
out being convinced that Luther lived but to do good, and 
that his thoughts were continually bent upon doing good. 
Look too at his Commentaries on the Psalms, on the Gala- 
tians, the Romans, Genesis, the Minor Prophets, and you 
see a spirit of enlightened piety running through them all. 
Look too at the effects his works have produced upon in- 
dividual minds. John Bunyan found comfort to his troub- 
led soul by reading Luther's Commentary on the Gala- 
tians, and says, "I do declare it openly that Dr. Luther'.? 
Commentary on the Galatians, next to the Bible, is the 
best book I ever saw for a wounded conscience." And it 
is well known that John Wesley, the immortal founder of 
Methodism, was converted by reading Luther's Preface to 



LUTHER S INFIRMITIES. CCCXXXVII. 

the Romans. The celebrated John Brentius, of our own 
church, was converted by reading the Commentary on 
Galatians. And the same book was instrumental in the 
conversion of a distinguished Roman Catholic priest by 
the name of Christopher Grospitch; thousands have gone 
home to heaven who have been awakened and converted 
by reading Luther's works. Would God thus bless the 
writings of a depraved man? 

Luther was a man of prayer. It is said that he spent 
three hours a day in communion with God ! This was 
one cause of his success ; it was this that strengthened his 
faith and gave him such unshaken confidence in God. In 
prayer he generally leaned with his chest upon the win- 
dow sill, he stood thus when he prayed for Melancthon. 
He was plain in his dress, and frugal in his way of living. 
For weeks together he sometimes ate nothing but bread 
and butter, and three dried herrings a day. He was fond 
of home-made beer, and used it at table instead of coffee 
or tea. He was fond of fruit, and ate little animal food. 
His dress was plain, but neat, he had fine and costly 
clothes, and even gold chains and other fashionable orna- 
ments of that day, but he seldom wore them. These were 
generally presents. 

Luther was a man of strong passions and perhaps his 
greatest defect was his propensity to anger — this seems to 
have been his besetting sin, and caused him many a pang. 
He was aware of this propensity. But we see nothing of 
it in his family, it was only when provoked by the unrea- 
sonableness of wicked men, that his anger sometimes rose 
15 



CCCXXXVIII. LUTHER S INFIRMITIES. 

to a consideraole degree. And as he felt, so he wrote, 
hence we find some hard and harsh expressions in his 
works. 

Another infirmity in Luther was a fondness for jesting; 
this propensity no doubt stood in the way of his own 
growth in grace, more than in the way of his usefulness in 
that age. But it must be borne in mind that his humor 
was natural and neither acquired nor affected. His wit 
was keen and his sarcasm withering. But still he was a 
truly converted man, and lived a life of faith in the Son of 
God. He loved the Lord Jesus and his cause, and was 
willing to lay down his life for the principles he professed, 
and died in the triumphs of redeeming grace, as the reader 
shah see in the proper place. We would say more about 
Lutner's personal character and his family, but we have 
not room. 

But we must leave the sacredness of the hearth, how- 
ever delightful to contemplate, and look at Luther again in 
the fore front of the moral strife that is raging around him. 
Amid the mighty conflict, his voice is heard above all 
others, and his influence felt to the remotest corners of 
Germany. 



CHAPTER IX. 



Luther, the Writer and unconquerable Victor. 

On the 4th of May, 1526, John, Duke of Saxony, and 
Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, formed the league of Torgau, 
as a check upon the Roman Catholic league of Ratisbon. 
On the 12th of June, of the same year, the Dukes of 
Brunswick, and of Suneburg, Otto, and Ernst, together 
with the Duke of Mecklenburg, Henry Wolfgang, of 
Anhalt, both Counts of Mansfield, and the Free city of 
Magdeburg, joined the league of Torgau. This was all 
brought about by the management and personal influence 
of Luther, and upon this league, as far as human agency 
was concerned, depended the life of Luther, and the pros- 
perity of the Reformation. The Diet of Spire met on the 
1st of May, 1526. In this Diet a demand was formally 
made to put down the heresy of the church, but met with 
the opposition of John of Saxony, and Philip of Hesse. 
After much sharp and angry debate, the Diet passed the 
following resolutions on the 27th of August, 1526, viz. 1. 
Germany needs a general reformation in church matters. 

2. The Diet recommend to the emperor, the importance 
of bringing about a general council as soon as possible. 

3. The edict of Worms may or may not be carried into 
effect, according to the honest convictions of those con- 
cerned, as they ran answer to the emperor and to Qod. 



CCCXL. DIET OF SPIRES. 

The Romanists were well pleased with these resolu- 
tions, but they did not perceive the full extent of their 
meaning. For soon after, Charles got into difficulties with 
the pope, and actually sent his general, Charles von Bour- 
bon, with an army to take possession of Rome itself, which 
he did on the 6th of May, 1527. During these difficulties 
in Italy, Luther was permitted to push the Reformation 
forward rapidly in Germany. In the spring of 1527, Lu- 
ther had a severe spell of sickness, from which he did not 
expect to recover ; but by the mercy of God he was spared. 
In the summer of 1527, the plague broke out in Witten- 
berg, and the University was removed to Jena. Melanc- 
thon and the other professors went to Jena, but Luther re- 
mained in Wittenberg, to comfort the sick and dying. 
Duke John urged Luther also to leave the scenes of dan- 
ger. But no, he with a noble magnanimity refused to 
leave his post. God preserved him from all harm. 

It was in the year 1527, that Luther commenced or- 
daining ministers. He considered that he and his pious 
coadjutors at Wittenberg, all of whom had been ordained 
in the papal church, had just as much right to perform 
the episcopal functions as the pope, or bishops. And so 
they had ; and those whom they ordained were just as 
much, if not more, in the unbroken succession, as any or- 
dained by men who had the name of bishop, without the 
moral and intellectual qualifications for that holy office 

In 1526 Luther wrote his commentaries of the lesser 
prophets, and became involved with Zwingle, CEcolampa- 
dius, and others in the sacramentarian controversy. We 



1527. CONTROVERSY ON THE LORD'S SUPPER. CCCXLI. 

do not intend to enter into the merits of this question now. 
Some thought then that Luther was wrong, others thought 
he was right, and just so it is now. And after this vexed 
question has been discussed for more than three hundred 
years, men know just about as much now on the subject, 
as they did in Luther's day. For a full, clear and lucid 
account of the views of the Lutheran Church on the sub- 
ject of the Lord's Supper, we refer the reader to the con- 
troversy at Marburg. Luther of course carried on this 
controversy with great spirit and energy, as he had done 
all others. Perhaps he was somewhat too bitter, but what 
he believed, he believed with all the powers of his soul. 
He was sincere and honest in his views, and no one has a 
right to claim perfection and infallability at his hands. In 
1527, he published a curious work entitled, " Can Soldiers 
be Christians ?" addressed to Assa von Kram, a noble 
knight. In this work he gives some excellent rules for 
soldiers, and shows clearly that a man can under proper 
circumstances, be a soldier and a Christian. Drs. Justus 
Jonas and Bugenhagen, or Pomeranius, relate a remarka- 
ble case of temptation and sickness about this time. It 
appears that Luther became so deeply affected with the 
state of the Church, that he lost all control of himself, and 
indeed became unconscious of all things around him, and 
all thought he would certainly die. The two doctors had 
some strange notions about it, and thought it was a tempta- 
tion of the devil, and that he was in the state spoken of by 
Paul, 2 Cor. xii. 7. It will be recollected that we have 
already noticed two similar cases of insensibility, one at 



CCCXLII. LUTHER VISITS THE CHURCHES IN SAXONY. 1527-28. 

Erfurt, and the other at Wittenberg, when Luther was 
meditating upon the 22d Psalm. Luther was perhaps 
subject to a disease of the heart, that had such a strange 
effect upon him. However in a few days he recovered, 
and went to work as before, in storming the kingdom of 
satan. In 1527 he published his Rules of Visitation, or 
a directory for evangelical pastors. The same year he 
gave an account of Leonard Keiser, who suffered martyr- 
dom in Bavaria. He also wrote this year on the " Vows 
of Celibacy." During the years 1527 and '28, besides 
some thirty or forty publications, Luther wrote upwards 
of five hundred large folio pages on the subject of the 
Lord's Supper alone ! This shows how deeply Luther 
was interested in this matter. 

It should have been stated above, that in 1526, Luther 
was induced by some of his friends to write an humble 
letter to Henry VIII., king of England. In 1528, Luther 
published a work of great importance to the churches of 
Saxony; he calls it "Instructions of the Visiters, address- 
ed to the Pastors of Saxony." This is a kind of rude 
system of Theology, and treats upon the following sub- 
jects, viz. 1. Doctrine. 2. The Commandments. 3. 
Of Prayer. 4. Concerning Affliction. 5. Concerning 
Baptism. 6. Concerning the Lord's Supper. 7. Con- 
cerning true penitence, 8. Concerning true Christian Con= 
fession. 9. Concerning the Satisfaction of Christ for Sin. 
10. Concerning Church Ordinances. 11. Concerning 
Marriage. 12. Concerning Free Will. 13. Concerning 
Freedom of Christians. 14. Concerning the Turks. 15. 



1529. LUTHER PUBLISHES HIS CATECHISMS. CCCXLIII. 

Concerning Daily Exercises in the Church. 16. Concern- 
ing true Christian Excommunication. 17. Concerning 
the Arrangements (in churches) of Superintendents. 18. 
Concerning Schools. This is an excellent work, and no 
doubt had its influence in Germany. Many things in this 
work might be studied with great advantage by many 
preachers in this country. This was intended to give the 
Evangelical church as much uniformity as possible, and i* 
no doubt had that effect ; and probably gave the first idea 
of the subsequently famous Confession of Augsburg. Lu- 
ther and Melancthon had visited the whole electorate in 
the summer of 1528, and saw the necessity of having a 
book of this kind circulated among the ignorant people. 
During this year, too, the church was divided into given 
districts, and the foundation of the Lutheran church was 
laid broad and deep, throughout all Saxony. This work 
gives us a glimpse into the depth of Luthex's wisdom, and 
the piety of his heart — it sets the standard of morality 
very high, and urges with the most importunate solicitude 
upon the pastor, the necessity of preaching Christ and him 
crucified, to perishing sinners. It was in the year 1529 
that Luther published his Smaller and Larger Catechisms 
the first for the children, and the latter for the preachers 
many of whom he found, during his visits, exceedingly ig 
norant. If Luther had never done anything more for Ger 
many than furnish his age with these two books, he would 
be entitled to the everlasting gratitude of his countrymen. 
Nothing that Luther, or all the men on earth, could have 
done at that period, next to the translation and circulation 



CCCXLIV. UNION OF THE PROTESTANT PRINCES. 

of the Bible, could possibly have had such an influence 
upon the great mass of the people. And then the plan oi 
instruction, too, was so admirably adapted to the wants of 
the people. Here was the question, and there the answer ; 
it required no large library, nor fund of knowledge, to learn 
the whole system of Theology — a child of ordinary ca- 
pacity could learn it. Luther's Larger Catechism, which 
was intended as a system of Theology in the Lutheran 
church, has long since been superseded by other and more 
systematic works. But the Smaller Catechism is still 
used, in German and English, by the entire Lutheran 
church in the United States, as well as in many parts of 
our church in Germany. The General Synod of the Lu- 
theran church in the United States, which embraces more 
than two-thirds of all the Lutherans in this country has 
published Luther's Smaller Catechism almost unaltered, as 
it was written by Luther himself in 1529. 

The Diet of Spires met in 152.9. The Roman Catho- 
lic party here made an effort to rescind the resolutions of 
the former Diet, which were now considered too favorable 
to the evangelical party. When the evangelical party found 
that severe measures, in spite of all they could say and do, 
would be adopted, they united in handing in a protest 
against these proceedings. From this they received the 
name of Protestants. The main item in their protest reads 
thus: "We declare, that under all circumstances, it be- 
comes us to protect our subjects in the free exercise of 
their conscience, and where it is not certain, which 
is the true church, we must have the liberty to draw our 



UNION OF THE PROTESTANT PRINCES. CCCXLV. 

faith and practice from the Word of God!" This is a 
noble sentiment, worthy the first Protestants ! Let Prot- 
estants never forget it ! The Diet of Spires ended in noth- 
ing but a closer union among the Roman Catholics, and 
the same among the Protestants. Soon after the meeting 
of the Diet of Spires, the Protestant princes who com- 
posed what was called the Torgau League, had frequent 
meetings, in order to unite themselves, and devise means 
and plans for their more cordial co-operation. The elec- 
tor John, of Saxony, and Philip of Hesse, had bound 
themselves each to bring into the field if it were necessa- 
ry, 28,000 foot soldiers, and 6000 cavalry, making in all 
34,000 men, and 1,200,000 gold florins, and if the other 
princes who belonged to the league would have done any- 
thing like this, they would even then have had nothing to 
fear from Charles and the pope combined. But the 
greatest difficulty was, the Protestant princes were not 
united on doctrinal points. There were, as we have just 
stated, frequent meetings of the Torgau League, to settle 
their views. They met at the following places, viz. Ro- 
bach, then at Saalfeld, then at Smalkald, then at Schwam- 
bach, then at Nuremburg. The great Reformer of course 
was consulted in reference to the doctrines and doctrinal 
articles they were to adopt. He watched with an eagle's 
eye every movement that was made ; he was the ruling 
spirit of all Germany, whether present or absent. The 
Protestant princes had every confidence in the world in 
Luther. The emperor had appointed the Diet of Augs- 
burg, and wanted to know definitely what the Protestants 
15* 



CCCXLVI. PHILIP OF HESSE BRINGS LUTHER 

believed, so that he might be able to form a correct opinion 
of the merits of the case. The Protestant princes, there- 
fore, requested Luther to draw up a series of articles set- 
ting forth what he and the other doctors at Wittenberg be- 
lieved. Luther did so, no doubt submitting everything as 
he went along to the inspection of Melancthon, and the 
other doctors at Wittenberg. These seventeen articles 
were given to the elector of Saxony, at Torgau, in 1529, 
and hence called the " Torgau Articles." 

These articles, it would seem, had been the theme of 
frequent discussions among the princes and their preachers, 
at the different conferences they held. Philip, Land- 
grave of Hesse, was exceedingly anxious to have all the 
princes of the league reconciled on all points. The con- 
troversy on the subject of the Lord's Supper, which 
had been started by Carlstadt, was taken up by other and 
abler heads, and had been raging for some time. Philip of 
Hesse, who thought it was only a difference in words, and 
could easily be settled, determined to call the doctors of the 
Reformation, who unfortunately held different opinions, to- 
gether, and have them adjust their matters in a brotherly 
and christian manner. He, therefore, invited the doctors 
to meet on the 2d of October, 1529. This was the origin 
of the famous controversy of Marburg. This discussion 
has been variously represented. There are several ver- 
sions of it. We shall give extracts from Melancthon's 
account of this interesting dispute. D'Aubigne, in his 
fourth volume, has given Zwingle's version of it, and 
has drawn his shades rather too heavily. We shall show 



AND ZWINGLE TOGETHER. CCCXLVII. 

that Melancthon touches the matter rather more lightly. 
The dispute took place on the 2d of October, 1529. The 
persons present were Zwingle, (Ecolampadius, Bucer and 
Hedio, Luther, Melancthon, Justus Jonas, Osiander, Brentz 
andAgricola. These were the invited disputants. There 
were some fifty or sixty other persons present, who had 
perhaps been invited by Philip to be mere spectators. 
Philip Landgrave wished Luther to meet (Ecolampadius, 
Melancthon and Zwingle privately, in order to talk matters 
over in a friendly way, and settle the points of disputation, 
and the manner in which it should be conducted. This 
was a wise precaution. Luther immediately accused 
(Ecolampadius of teaching errors on original sin, the doc- 
trine of the Trinity, and concerning the use of the Word 
of God, and the Sacraments. Melancthon accused Zwin- 
gle of the same errors ; but both the accused Reformers 
denied the charges of heresy, and seem to have exculpated 
themselves in the eyes of the doctors of Wittenberg. The 
points of difference by this means were narrowed down to 
the nature of the Savior's presence in the sacrament. 
When they met for public debate, Luther commenced by 
saying, that he thought it was necessary to go over the 
whole ground of theology. What I have written con- 
cerning the sacrament, I know to be correct, and 1 am pre- 
pared to defend it. But if (Ecolampadius and Zwingle 
have anything to say against the truth, I would like to 
hear it. 

Zwingle.— -"We have not come here to talk about any- 
thing but the sacrament, but as soon as we can agree on 
this point, we will talk about others. 



CCCXLVIII. CONTROVERSY AT MARBURG. 

The article of the sacrament was therefore, the mly 
one handled,, and three arguments were noticed. Zwingle 
said* 1. In the sixth chapter of John, Christ says, the 
flesh proiiteth nothing, therefore we are not to understand 
that there is flesh in the sacrament, for the eating of flesh 
is of no advantage. 

Luther. — We are not to understand by the words "Ca- 
ro non prodest quicquam," (the flesh proiiteth nothing,) 
the flesh of Christ. For Christ had said before (verse 33 
compared with 35,) that his flesh was the life of the 
world, he means by the expression " caro non prodest 
quicquam," the flesh without the Spirit — therefore, the 
Lord Jesus adds, "Spiritus est qui vivificat," (it is the 
Spirit which maketh alive,) and intends to say our flesh 
profiteth nothing; by this we are not to understand good 
works; it would be a dreadful assertion to say that "the 
flesh of Christ should be of no profit." But even if we 
were to admit that Christ in that passage speaks of his 
flesh, Zwingle could not force his opinion of the sacra- 
ment from it, because it does not say that Christ's body is 
not present in the sacrament; as we have already admit- 
ted, these words may mean Christ's flesh, and may mean 
that the flesh of Christ is of no profit to those who do 
not believe. This is the opinion of St. Augustine. The 
second argument presented by Zwingle was this : the 
body of Christ, according to the nature of things, could 
not be in a number of places at one and the same time. 
Here, says Melancthon, they debated a long time, or ra- 
ther, he says, they quarrelled a long time on this point. 



CONTROVERSY AT MARBURG. CCCXLIX. 

Luther said, the omnipotence of God cannot, yea, it dare 
not be controlled by natural reason ! Zwingle replied, 
God surely would not reveal such incomprehensible things 
to us ! Luther was not pleased with this expression, and 
said that God had revealed other things in the Bible quite 
as incomprehensible as the presence of Christ's body in 
the sacrament. He then referred to the mystery of Christ's 
Godhead, and said it was far more incomprehensible than 
this ! But, says Zwingle, how can it be possible that a 
wicked priest can do such a great thing as to produce the 
body of Christ? Here Zwingle was on another subject, 
namely, the transubstantiation of Rome ; this was not Lu- 
ther's doctrine, for it is abundantly evident that Luther 
did not at this time, nor had he for a number of years be- 
fore, believed in the absurd doctrine of the corporeal pre- 
sence of Christ. 

Luther gave a clear exposition, says Melancthon, on this 
subject; he said, "This takes place not in consequence of 
the merits of the priest, but in virtue of Christ's ordinance, 
because Christ has commanded it, therefore it takes place, 
we must hold to the power of Christ's word, and the sac- 
raments — they have an efficacy aside from any merit of 
the priest, or holiness of the preacher; that efficacy they 
possess in virtue of their divine appointment. It is an 
error of the Donatists to deny the power of the sacraments 
because administered by an unworthy priest." To this 
excellent explanation, says Melancthon, Zwingle made no 
reply. 



CCCL. CONTROVERSY AT MARBURG. 

The third argument was managed by (Ecolampadius. 
"Sacraments," said he, "are signs, as such they must re- 
fer to something else, therefore in the sacraments, the body 
and blood are not present but are signified by the emblems 
of bread and wine." Luther admitted that they were 
signs, but we have no right to make them refer to anything 
else than Christ pointed out. It is evident that the sacra- 
ments are signs, for the promises connected with them are 
signified or pointed out by them, (dasz sie die angehangenen 
Promissiones bedeuten.) Thus circumcision signifies prin- 
cipally the promise, " I will have mercy," now if we were 
to seek another signification and were to leave the chief 
thing out of question, would we not be doing an unneces- 
sary work ? Just so in the sacrament, we must follow the 
word of God, we dare not make it suit our notions. Mel- 
ancthon further says, " there were many passages read by 
Zwingle and (Ecolampadius, from the Fathers ; they thought 
by this means to strengthen their cause, but the passages 
were foreign to the subject. There was much said by 
them that had no connexion with the matter in debate, such 
as that a body must occupy space— -that Christ has a true 
body, &e." To the passages of the Fathers, Luther replied 
by giving a number of written quotations to the Landgrave, 
which clearly taught that the true body and blood of Christ 
are present in the sacrament. The result of the confer- 
ence was, to sum it up in a few words, Luther continued 
firm in his opinion concerning the Lord's presence. Nor 
would the other party give up their views. Yet they de- 
sired that Luther should receive them as brethren. This 



RESULT OF THE MARBURG DEBATE. CCCLI. 

Dr. Luther could not consent to, and he spoke harshly to 
them, and expressed his astonishment that they wanted to 
be his brethren, and yet hold the doctrine they did ; it 
seemed an evidence to him that they did not prize their 
own doctrines very highly. They at last however, all 
signed fourteen articles which Luther, by the request of 
all, had drawn up. This is an interesting document, but 
we will give only the fourteenth article in part. " We be- 
lieve that the sacrament of the altar, is a sacrament of the 
true body and blood of Christ, and that the spiritual man- 
ducation (Niessung) of that body and blood is necessary to 
every christian." This it would seem the opponents of 
Luther would not agree to. Luther thinking it probable 
at least that they would not, added the following clause : 
" And although we cannot at this time agree upon the 
question, whether the body and blood of Christ are cor- 
poreally present in the bread and wine, yet each party 
shall exhibit towards the other, christian charity, so far as 
conscience will permit, and both parties will pray earnest- 
ly to God, that He by his Spirit, would direct us to the true 
doctrine." This met the entire approbation of all parties, 
and all signed it at once. Many harsh reflections have 
been cast upon Luther for his treatment of Zwingle on this 
occasion, because he refused to give him the right hand of 
fellowship. Now it must be borne in mind, (and we think 
the account of this conference as given by Melancthon, 
will confirm what we are about to say,) that the account 
of this conference as given by D'Aubigne and others of 
his school, as well as the Roman Catholics, is too highly 



CCCLII. LUTHER S CONDUCT TOWARDS ZWINGLE. 

wrought. They make the (dramatis persons) actors too 
fiery and passionate—- they all seem like a set of French- 
men in a ball room — -instead of grave, pious, learned doc- 
tors as they were, they are represented as light minded, 
witty fellows, who had met for the purpose of showing 
the Landgrave, how they could catch and puzzle each 
other ! Melancthon saw nothing of this, to him it seemed 
a more grave and solemn matter. But is not Luther to 
blame for refusing to give Zwingle the right hand of fel= 
lowship. According to our notions of propriety he cer- 
tainly is to blame, but he lived in a different age and under 
other circumstances. He had no scruples about receiving 
him as a man, but as a christian brother, with the opposite 
views they held he could not. He was conscientious, and 
surely he had already given the world sufficient evidence 
of his sincerity— he was no hypocrite, he could act no 
borrowed part, he honestly considered Zwingle in error, 
and by giving him the right hand of christian fellowship, 
he would have acknowledged that Zwingle was right. Let 
justice be done to this great man. One word more on the 
subject. Zwingle was born about six weeks after Luther, 
and was an excellent man, he was a man of learning and 
eloquence, some of his enthusiastic admirers, even placed 
him before Luther in the work of the Reformation, and 
claim a superiority for him in point of learning and piety. 
Dr. Maclaine says, in a note to Mosheim, "Zwingle in- 
stead of receiving instruction from Luther was much his 
superior in learning, capacity and judgment, and was much 
fitter to be his master than his disciple ! The fact is after 



LUTHER, THE FIRST REFORMER. CCCLIII. 

Luther was 40 years old, he had no equal on the face of 
the earth, and as respects the judgment of Zwingle being 
superior to Luther ; Zwingle is generally considered 
deficient in judgment — if he had had a better judgmen/ 
he would not have perished miserably in the battle of 
his own creation. At Zurich, Zwingle was a great 
man; at Wittenberg, he would have stood perhaps at 
No. 5 or 6. One evidence of this is the fact, that when 
Carlstadt, who was a small man, even compared with 
Justus Jonas and Nicholas AmsdorfF, went to Switzer- 
land his preaching produced almost as much effect there as 
Luther's had produced at Wittenberg. Now if Zwingle, 
as Maclaine says, had been superior to Luther, how 
are we to account for this, for it is well known that Carl- 
stadt was considered far inferior to Luther by all, but the 
few fanatics at Orlamund. And as respects his priority in 
the work of the Reformation, we will adduce the testimony 
of one who may justly be styled the panegyrist of Zwingle, 
we mean D'Aubigne, he says, Vol. 2, page 293, of his 
History of the Reformation, " It is a mistaken notion, to 
infer that Zwingle's Reformation preceded Luther's. 
Zwingle may possibly have preached the gospel a year 
previous to the Theses of Luther, but the gospel was 
preached by Luther himself four years before those cele- 
brated propositions. The one and the other was neither 
the first monk nor the first priest, who taught a purer doc- 
trine than the scholastic teachers ; but Luther was the first 
ivho boldly and publicly raised the standard of truth 
against prevailing error, and invited general attention to 



CCCLIV. LUTHER ON THE LORD ? S SUPPER. 

the fundamental doctrine of the gospel, salvation by grace. 
The great battle of which the signal was given in 1517, 
(by the publication of the 95 Theses of Luther,) was the 
true parent of the Reformation, and gave to it both its soul 
and its form. Luther was the earliest of the Reformers" 
This ought to settle the question forever, especially as it 
comes from one of Zwingle's warmest friends and one of 
Calvin's successors. Let this then suffice on this subject. 

As there has been much said of late about Luther's views 
on the subject of the Lord's Supper, this would seem to 
be the proper place to exhibit those views. As a Roman 
Catholic, Luther of course believed in the doctrine of tran 
substantiation as held by that church. But after he lost 
confidence in the system of popery, and had taken the 
Bible for his creed, he gradually abandoned the papal views 
on the subject of the Lord's presence in the sacrament, 
and adopted others. The question then very naturally 
presents itself, what other views did Luther adopt? We 
have examined all that Luther ever wrote on the subject, 
(and that was not a little,) and as far as we are able to un- 
derstand him, he believed, that the bread and wine used 
in the sacrament remain unchanged, but that the glori- 
fied body of Christ is actually present at the celebration 
of the eucharist, and that Christ's glorified body is actu- 
ally eaten by every communicant. 

That this was Luther's view, is susceptible of the clear* 
est historical proof. We have Luther's views in his ser- 
mons, his controversies, his commentaries, his two cate- 
chisms, his letters, and in his private conversation, so full 



LUTHER ON THE LORDS SUPPER. CCCLV. 

and so often, that it almost seems a work of supereroga- 
tion to say a word about them. Still as we have promised 
to let the great Reformer speak in English, hear him on 
this subject. We have his first views in a sermon 
preached in 1519, which he calls "A Sermon concerning 
the most worthy sacrament of the holy and true body 
(Leichnam) of Christ." This sermon has no text. He 
.says, " The holy sacrament of the altar, and the holy true 
body of Christ, has three things which we must under- 
stand. 1. The sacrament itself, or its outward signs. 2. 
The meaning of the sacrament. 3. The faith we must 
have. The sacrament must be outward and visible, it 
must have a bodily form. The signification must be in- 
ward and spiritual in the soul of man. The faith must 
put these both together, and apply them to our use and 
benefit. 

" The meaning of the sacrament is a communion of all 
the saints, therefore it is called synaxis, or communio, i. e. 
fellowship ; and communicate in Latin means to enter in- 
to this fellowship, or communion, which we express in 
German thus, to take the sacrament, or to go to the sacra- 
ment ; and this grows out of the fact, that Christ is one 
spiritual body with all believers, just as all the inhabitants 
of a town constitute but one body. Thus all true believers 
are members of Christ, and of the church, which is a spir- 
itual and eternal state of God, (i. e. of God's appoint- 
ment,) and he who is received into this state, is received 
into the communion of the saints, and is made a member 
of the spiritual body of Christ. ***** Hence 



CCCLVI. LUTHER ON THE LORD S SUPPER. 

he who injures one member of a community, injures the 
whole, as St. Paul says in 1 Cor. xii 12 — 27, ' For as the 
body is one, and hath many members, and all the members 
of that body, being many, are one body, so also is Christ.' 
Now ye are the body of Christ. We must keep this com- 
parison between the human body and the church, always 
in view, if we wish properly to understand the sacrament. 
We have so many sins to contend with, that we need, not 
only the assistance of Christ and the church, but it is also 
necessary that Christ and his saints should intercede with 
God in our behalf. God gives us this sacrament to strength- 
en us against sin. God speaks as it were thus to us : be- 
hold thou art troubled with many sins, take these signs, 
with these I assure you, that your sins not only afflict you, 
but also my Son, Jesus Christ, and all his saints in hea- 
ven and on earth. Therefore be bold and of good courage, 
for you contend not alone, you are surrounded by a strong 
help." 

In this last section we see that Luther had not yet di- 
vested himself of the errors of saint worship. 

With the exception of that which refers to the interces- 
sion of the saints, and with a very slight modification, the 
above are the views which Luther continued to hold to the 
day of his death, as the reader will see from the following 
additional quotations. In the Visitation Book, as it is call- 
ed, which was drawn up by Melancthon in 1529, and fully 
approved and published by Luther, it is said, " Concerning 
the sacrament of the true body of our dear Lord Jesus 
Christ, the following points shall be taught by the pas- 
tors, viz. 






LUTHER ON THE LORD S SUPPER. CCCLVII. 

They are all to be taught to believe that in the bread 
and wine the true body and blood of Christ are present, 
as Christ himself says in Matt. xxvi. 26; Mark xiv. 22; 
Luke xxii. 19 ; and in 1 Cor. x. 16, Paul says, " The bread 
which we break, is it not the communion of the body of 
Christ"? If, as some teach, we are to understand nothing 
more than a spiritual communion, by the words " com- 
munion of the body of Christ" then it would be nothing 
more than a communion of his word and Spirit. 

Thus Paul in 1 Cor. xi. 29, "For he that eateth and 
drinketh unworthily, eateth and drinketh damnation, (i. e. 
judgment) to himself, not discerning the Lord's body." If 
the Lord's body is not present how can it be discerned? 

The pastors ought also to read the ancient church Fath- 
ers, in order to see what they taught on this subject; so 
that they may be the better informed themselves, and be 
able to instruct their hearers. 

St. Hilary says, in his eighth book on the Holy Trini- 
ty, " We are not to doubt the truth of what Christ says, 
when he declares that ' this is my body.' " 

We are also to bear in mind, that this great miracle does 
not take place in consequence, or on account of the 
merits of the priest, but because Christ has so ordained it; 
just as the sun rises daily, not on our account, but because 
God has so ordered it. 

Luther says, in his Larger Catechism, which was in- 
tended as a system of theology for the uneducated pastors 
of Saxony, who had gone over from the Romish to the 
Protestant party, " But what is the sacrament of the altar ? 



€CCLVIIL LUTHER ON THE LORD S SUPPER. 

Answer. It is the true body and blood of Christ, in and 
under the bread and wine, commanded by Christ's word, 
we christians are to eat and drink. The sacrament is in- 
deed bread and wine, but not common bread such as we 
eat at a common table, but bread and wine contained in 
the word of God, and united therewith. It is the word, 
(I say,) which makes the sacrament, and causes the bread 
and wine to be more than mere bread and wine, and makes 
it the body and blood of Christ, as St. Augustine says, 
' When the word comes into contact with the outward em- 
blems, then they become a sacrament.' With this word 
you can strengthen your conscience, though an hundred 
thousand devils, and all the fanatics on earth, should rise 
up against it, and say, how can bread and wine be the 
body and blood of Christ ? For I know that all the evil 
spirits, and all the learned men in the world taken together, 
do not possess as much wisdom as the Divine Majesty has 
in his little finger ! Now, here is Christ's word, f take 
eat, this is my body.' By this we will stand firm, and 
see who dare make it otherwise, than he who instituted 
the sacrament." 

But Luther's great work on the sacrament, " That 
the words of Christ, 'this is my body,' still remain 
firm against the fanatical spirits," which covers one hun- 
dred large folio pages, was published in 1527. This is 
his masterpiece on the subject; it is one of the most vigor- 
ous and powerfully written productions of his prolific pen. 
He commences by showing the ingenuity and cunning of 
the devil in introducing discord and factions into the church. 



LUTHER ON THE LORD'S SUPPER. CCCLIX. 

He says the devil caused so many divisions and sects in 
the church, and by this means so lessened the influence and 
authority of the Bible, that the Bible at last got to be like 
a broken net, that it would hold nothing, each one he says, 
bored for himself a hole in it where he pleased, and turn- 
ed and twisted it to suit his own opinions — hence the ne- 
cessity arose for many councils to make new command- 
ments and ordinances — and hence also arose the common 
saying, " the Bible is not a sufficient rule of faith, but we 
must have councils and the commandments of the fathers — 
the Holy Ghost did not (say they) reveal everything to the 
apostles, but kept back some things for the fathers — and 
from this at last the papacy arose." 

When the devil saw the turn matters had taken, he 
laughed in derision and exclaimed, Now we have conquer- 
ed — the Bible is false— the strong fort is demolished — the 
strong weapons are broken to pieces ! Now the christian 
church can make walls of straw and weapons of hay, i. e. 
they will now oppose me with the commandments of men. 
What, exclaims the devil, shall I now do? I will not op- 
pose these measures, but I will aid in rearing this building 
of straw, and do all I can to promote union among them. 
We see from this that Luther did not make any great ac- 
count of tradition. 

He also blames the devil for introducing the sacramen- 
tarian controversy. It is, says he, even the very same 
devil that now stirs up the fanatics to blaspheme the holy 
sacrament by making mere bread and wine out of the sa- 
cred elements, they jnake it a mere commemorative feast, 



CCCLX. LUTHER ON THE LORD'S SUPPER. 

according to their own fancy, and insist upon' it that the 
body and blood of Christ are not present, when the words 
of Christ are as clear as the sun, "this is my body,'''' and 
these words stand firm and unshaken ! The word of God 
will stand forever, whilst the errors that spring up by its 
side will endure but for a season. Therefore, I am not 
at all alarmed as though this fanaticism would last long; it 
is too gross an error, and too glaringly opposed to the 
Bible, to endure any great length of time, as you shall now 
see. I will therefore, again come out boldly against the 
devil and his fanatics, not on their account, but for the sake 
of the ignorant and the weak. I have not the most dis- 
tant hope of being able to convert a heretical or a fanatical 
leader — they have blasphemed the word of God, and sin- 
ned against the Holy Ghost, and as Isaiah says, ch. vi., 
there is no hope for them. 

Luther protests in the most solemn manner his inno- 
cence of having aided in any way the fanatics, (for he had 
been accused of being at the head of the movements of 
the fanatics,) and says we as good Christians, must have 
nothing to do with them — Christian union, he says, con- 
sists in a union of spirit, of faith and sentiment, not a mere 
outward union. 

But to come to the point, says Luther, " Let us look 
at the passage Jesus said, "Take eat, this is my body." 
I have already stated that I would confine myself to this 
single text, and from this alone I will maintain in defiance 
of the devil and all his fanatical spirits, that this is strong 
and powerful enough against all their foul and loose talk. To 



LUTHER ON THE LORD S SUPPER. CCCLXL 

the other passages I will attend at the proper time. Here 

then this passage stands clear and distinct. Upon this we 

stand, and believe, and teach, that in the sacrament we do 

most certainly and bodily eat and receive the body of 

Christ, (in German, Dasz man im Abendmahl warhaftig 

und leiblich Christus Leib isset, und zu sich nimt.) But 

how or in what manner this takes place, or how he is in 

the bread, we do not know, nor are we to know it; we are 

to believe God's word, and not to prescribe means and 

ways for him. We see the bread with our eyes, but with 

our ears we hear that the body of Christ is also present. 

This is certainly plain enough. 

Luther next attacks the mode of interpreting this text 

adopted by Zwingle and (Ecolampadius. He denies that 

their mode of interpretation is more reasonable than his. 

When they bring forward the passages generally referred 

to, to refute his position, such as Christ is called a rock, a 

door, a vine, &c, he (Luther,) insists upon it that Christ 

was, and did not merely represent those things. He next 

takes up the objection of (Ecolampadius, that the body of 

Christ is in heaven at the right hand of God, and that it 

cannot be present at the communion. To this objection 

Luther replies, " How do we know, my dear sirs, that a 

body, by the power of God, may not be in heaven and at 

the same time in the communion ? We know that there 

are no bounds to the power of God, and that he often does 

things that we cannot understand, and yet we are bound 

to believe them. Now as God says, " This is my body," 

how am I to calm my mind, unless I admit that he pos 
16 



CCCLXII. LUTHER ON THE LORD S SUPPER. 

sesses the power and the means to make good his word 1 
And although a body may be invisible in many places, yet 
God has the power, the means, and the knowledge to make 
a body visible in many places. This is in accordance 
with the Scriptures, Rom. iv. 21, "What he had promised, 
he was able to perform," or as Luther has translated this 
passage, " What God says, he can do." And in Luke i. 
37, " With God nothing shall be impossible."' 

Now, as he has said, " This is my body," he can and 
does make it so. Now you must show that he neither 
does nor can make good his word— for this is your own 
darling position, by which you expect to overthrow this 
world. Now if you cannot maintain your ground we will 
overturn all your reasoning, and with the words, " This is 
my body," we will force our passage through ! Defend 
yourselves, ye valiant knights, for it is high time !" 

Luther then takes a wider and more philosophical range, 
in which he shows that Christ may as well be present in 
the sacrament as to be in every other part of the universe. 
He takes up the objection from the passage, " Christ is 
seated at the right hand of God," and asks the opposers 
of his views very triumphantly, what is meant by the right 
hand of God ? He then shows that God fills immensity, 
and must necessarily be present in the sacrament. He 
then illustrates his views with a number of scriptural ex- 
amples. At the close he tries however, to show that it is 
only a spiritual eating and drinking, and denies its being 
such an eating as the people at Capernaum supposed. 
He also gives the opinions of the earlier church fathers, 



LUTHER ON THE LORD'S SUPPER. CCCLXIII. 

such as Tertullian, Irenaeus, Hilary, Cyprian, and Augus- 
tine. It may not be uninteresting to the reader to know 
what these fathers say on the subject before us. 

Luther says, Tertullian is the oldest of the fathers, but 
since the times of the Apostles, none has been equal in his 
estimation to Augustine. 

Tertullian in his Fourth Book against Marcion, says, 
" The bread which Christ gave to his disciples, he made 
his body, when he said, « this is my body,' he meant this 
is the form of my body. But it could not have been a 
form, unless it had been a true body." It would seem that 
Tertullian used the word " figure," which Luther trans- 
lated into German by the word " Gestalt," (form.) (Eco- 
lampadius had quoted this same passage to prove his figu- 
rative presence. To this Luther objects, and says, " But 
we insist upon it that Tertullian uses the word ' figure' in 
its true Latin sense. Mathematically it means a form that 
has length, breadth, thickness, roundness, and color, some- 
thing which can be seen, felt and handled, as we also say 
in German concerning the sacrament, that Christ's body is 
present under the form of bread. The very same thing 
that we Germans call a form, (Gestalt,) Tertullian calls a 
' figure.' 

" In order to understand fully the force of Tertullian's 
arguments, we must bear in mind what Marcion, against 
whom he wrote, believed and taught. Marcion taught that 
Christ had no physical body at all — that the man Christ 
was a mere phantom, that could neither be felt, touched nor 
'jonfined." 



CCCLXIV. LUTHER ON THE LORD S SUPPER THE FATHERS. 

Again says Luther, " Tertullian in his book against the 
Jews, refers the passage in Jeremiah xi. 19, ' They said 
let us cast the wood into his bread,' to the body of Christ. 
For Christ himself thus explains this text, when he says, 
* this is my body,' which body the prophet calls bread. I 
do not contend that Tertullian is correct in his translation 
of this passage ; for in the Hebrew it reads thus, < Let us 
tear up the tree with its roots.' The question now, is not 
concerning the correctness of the translation of Tertullian, 
but concerning his opinion on the subject in hand. It is 
certain that by the wood, he understood the cross of Christ, 
and by the bread, his body." 

The learned comment of Tertullian on this passage, may 
give us a fair sample of the fallibility of the fathers, and 
show how little confidence we ought to place upon them. 
Tertullian is the oldest of the fathers, and therefore if there 
be any merit in patristic theology, his ought to be the best. 

Luther next quotes Irenaeus, also among the oldest of 
the fathers, who had to contend with the Valentinians,who 
among other things denied the resurrection of the body. 
Among other arguments against this error, he says, " If the 
body is not to be eternal, why then is it nourished with the 
body and blood of Christ in the sacrament? Do we eat 
an eternal food, then we shall live from it eternally. 
Irenaeus says, ' The bread is not mere common bread after 
it is named of God, but it is then Eucharistia, (as the an- 
cients called the sacrament.) But what does this naming 
or calling to which he refers, mean, other than this saying 
of Christ, ' this is my body V " Irenaeus here says, it is no 



LUTHER ON THE LORD S SUPPER. CCCLXV 

longer according to God's word mere bread, but in addi- 
tion to the physical bread, there is a heavenly bread pre- 
sent also. According to Irenaeus there are three things in 
the sacrament. There is the Vocatio Dei, the calling of 
God, which is, when he says, « this is my body.' By this 
naming or designating, says he, the bread becomes Euchar- 
istia, or a sacrament. Now the bread has a two-fold na- 
ture, at first it was nothing more than common bread, but 
now it is both earthly, (physical,) and heavenly, (spir- 
itual)." 

He next quotes Hilary, who he says, had a very great 
knowledge of the scriptures. In his Eighth Book against 
the Arians, he says, " Now if it be true that the wcrd did 
actually become flesh, and if we do actually in the Lord's 
Supper receive the word that became flesh, must we not 
believe that we do receive that flesh which was united with 
the divinity in the sacrament ? Here Hilary says that we 
do receive in the sacrament that word which became flesh ; 
or to speak more plainly, we receive the incarnate word, 
and therefore Christ remains in us naturally, or with his 
being and nature, not only spiritually as the visionaries 
dream. He calls the sacrament 'Sacramentum carnis, 
nobis communicandae,' i. e. a sacrament of flesh, that is 
divided among us. And he says further, that Christ is 
mixed and united with this sacrament not only in a spirit- 
ual manner, according to the nature of his flesh, together 
with his eternal nature." 

He also quotes Augustine and Cyprian extensively. *Ve 
have not room here for more quotations from this exti?* r- 



CCCLXVI. LUTHER ON THE LORD S SUPPER. 

dinary production. We have given thus much to show 
the reader what were Luther's views on the nature of 
Christ's presence in the sacrament. 

In 1528, Luther published another work, called " Dr. 
Martin Luther's Confession concerning the Sacrament of 
Christ." 

In the same year he published a treatise on the necessi- 
ty of giving both bread and wine to the communicants. 
He had long since repudiated the absurd doctrine of tran- 
substantiation, and inculcated his own views with great 
earnestness. 

As we promised to permit Luther to speak for himself, 
we will give a few more quotations from his sermons, taken 
from Dr. Walch's edition of Luther's sermons, called his 
Kirchen Postill. 

In a sermon preached in 1524, he instructs his hearers 
thus on the subject : "We hold that in the bread and wine 
the true body and blood of Christ are present. In the 
sacrament we have a beautiful delineation of love. In the 
first place, in the bread, for before the grains of wheat are 
ground together, each grain constitutes its own body, but 
when they are ground up, they are all united, and form 
but one body. The same is true of the wine. Before 
the grapes are pressed, each grape forms a body, but after 
the juice is expressed, the whole mass constitutes but one 
liquid. So we cannot say this flour was in that grain, or 
this wine in that grape ; for the one substance has crept 
into the other, and become one bread and one wine. As 
Paul says, 1 Cor. x. 17, For we being many, are one 



MELANCTHON ON THE LORDS SUPPER. CCCLXVII. 

bread, and one body, for we are all partakers of that one 
bread. We eat the Lord by the faith in the word, which 
the soul appropriates to itself. In this manner my neigh- 
bor eats me ; my property, body and life, I give to him, 
and everything I have; I permit him to have the benefit of 
all. Thus too, I who am poor and needy, eat my neigh- 
bor. Thus we are all plaited into one another, so that we 
help each other, as Christ also helped us. This is eating 
one another in a spiritual way." 

Without multiplying quotations, this we think is enough 
to show Luther's views. We have thus given the opinions 
of the Reformer on this subject, the reader may now put 
his own construction upon them. We deem it unneces- 
sary here to express even an opinion as to the correctness 
of Luther's views. All we have to say is, thus spake 
Luther. We here subjoin the Tenth Article of the Augs- 
burg Confession, with Melancthon's comment upon it, 
from his celebrated Apology, which was translated by Dr. 
Justus Jonas at Wittenberg, under the immediate inspec- 
tion of Luther and Melancthon, in 1536. We give the 
whole article. 

"The Tenth Article is not objected to by our opponents, 
in which we teach that the true body and blood of our 
Lord Christ, are actually present in the Supper of Christ, 
and that they are extended and received with the visible 
elements of bread and wine, as has been held in the 
church until this time ; as also the Gregorian canon teaches, 
and as Cyril says, that Christ is given to us bodily m the 
Lord's Supper, for thus he speaks : We do not deny that 



CCCLXVIII. THE CHURCH QUESTION. 

by faith and a pure love we are united to Christ in a spirit- 
ual way. But that we according to the flesh, should have 
no union at all with him, to this we say no, and this is 
against the scriptures. For who can doubt that Christ is 
the vine, and we the branches, that we receive nourishmenl 
and life from him ? Listen what Paul says, We are all 
one body in Christ, although we are many, yet in him we 
are one, for we are all partakers of one bread. Do you 
suppose that we are ignorant of the efficacy of the divine 
blessing in the Lord's Supper 1 For when the Supper is 
celebrated, he (God) causes, that by the eating of the flesh 
and body of Christ, Christ lives in us bodily. Also, it is 
to be remembered, that Christ does not only dwell in us 
by a spiritual union, through love, but also by a natural 
communion, and we speak of the presence of a living 
body, for we know, as Paul says, that henceforth death 
shall not reign over him." 

We now come to notice Luther's views on the church 
question. What does he teach on this important question ? 
We refer the reader to his most celebrated production, viz : 
his " Address to the Christian Nobility of the German 
Nation," published in 1520. This work is written in Lu- 
ther's best style, and it is indeed a production of revolu- 
tionary energy, and did more perhaps, to open the eyes 
of the Germans upon the evils growing out of the peculiar 
notions men then had about the church and her authority, 
than any other work ever written by any man, The very 
title shows the genius of Luther. In this address he 
strikes at the root of all ecclesiastical abuse, and shows 



WHAT IS THE CHURCH I CCCLXIX 

his countrymen the very source of that religious tyranny 
under which they were groaning, and also shows them the 
remedy. He says, "The Romanists have surrounded 
themselves with great adroitness by three walls, behind 
which they have hitherto defended themselves from all at- 
tempts at a Reformation, and in consequence of which all 
Christendom has fallen in a most deplorable manner. 

"In the first place. When they were attacked by the 
civil authorities, they would say, the civil authority has no 
jurisdiction over us, for the spiritual authority is superior 
io the civil. 

"In the second place. When they were attacked with 
the Bible, they denied that any person could interpret the 
Bible but the pope. 

" In the third place. When they were threatened with a 
general council, they said, no one can call a council but the 
pope. 

"Thus they have taken from us the three rods, that they 
might go unpunished, and have sat down in security be- 
hind the three walls, and have given themselves up to the 
commission of all kinds of villainy, as we now see. 

" May God help us, and give us one of those trumpets 
used at Jericho, that we may be able to blow down those 
walls of straw and paper ! 

The first wall is this : — The pope, bishops, priests, 

monks and nuns, constitute the spiritual state. Princes, 

nobles, mechanics and farmers, compose the civil state. 

This is indeed a finely spun theory ; but let no one be 

alarmed at this ; for all christians belong to the spiritual 
16* 



CCCLXX. THE CHURCH QUESTION. 

state, nothing makes us christians but the gospel, baptism 
and faith. The mere fact that the pope or a bishop may- 
anoint, smooth down, ordain and consecrate an individual, 
or his dressing differently from the common people, may 
make a hypocrite, but will never make a christian. For 
as Peter says, by baptism, we all become kings and priests 
unto God; and John says, in Revelations, 'Thou hast made 
us kings and priests ;' for if we have no higher consecra- 
tion than that received from the pope or a bishop, we would 
never become true priests, although we might say mass, 
preach and absolve. Therefore the consecrating of a 
bishop is nothing more than if a whole congregation would 
select one of its members, for they have all equal power, 
and delegate to him their power or authority. Just as if 
ten brothers, the sons of a king, who were all equal heirs, 
were to elect one of their number to govern for them, they 
would all indeed be kings, although only one was delegated 
to govern. 

" But to make the matter still more plain. Suppose a 
number of pious laymen were taken prisoners, and were 
banished to a wilderness; suppose there were no priest 
with them who had been consecrated by a bishop, and sup- 
pose they should all be unanimous in electing one of their 
number, married or single, and authorize him to baptize, 
preach, and do all other things belonging to the office of a 
priest, he would most certainly be just as much a priest as 
if he had been appointed and consecrated by pope or 
bishop ! In this manner the christian congregations form- 
erly appointed their bishops and priests, and this appoint 



THE CHURCH QUESTION. CCCLXXI. 

ment was confirmed by other bishops, without that pomp 
and splendor that now exist. In this same way, St. Au- 
gustine, St. Ambrose, and St. Cyprian became bishops." 

From the above extract we see that Luther made no 
great account of the succession ! Thus he cuts off one 
limb of the churchism of modern days. 

Luther next notices the second wall, which is, that no 
one but the pope can interpret scripture. And says among 
other things, that the keys do not belong exclusively to 
the pope or bishops, but to the whole congregation of true 
believers. The pope, he says, has neither the spirit nor 
the faith. To follow the pope would be to deny the faith, 
and the whole christian church. 

Here Luther lops off another member of the churchism 
of our day, viz. its organism. He does not make the church 
a machine ; christians constitute the church, not the means 
of grace which belong to it, as we shall be able more fully 
to show in our quotations from his works. 

The third wall, he says, must fall with the other two. 

In his Kirchen Postill,Walch's Edition, page 100, he says, 
" Therefore he who wishes to find Christ, must first seek 
the church. How could any one know where Christ and 
his faith are, if he did not know where his believing ones 
are? And he who wishes to know anything of Christ, 
must not put any confidence in himself, nor must he at- 
tempt to build a bridge to heaven by his own reason, but 
he must go to the church and ask her. Now, the church 
is not merely wood and stone, but it is the collective body 
of t elieving Christians ; to these we must cling, and see 



CCCLXXII. THE CHURCH QUESTION. 

how they believe, live and teach ; these certainly have 
Christ in their midst. For out of the christian church 
there is no truth, no Christ, no salvation. Hence it fol- 
lows that it must be uncertain and false, that we are to 
believe only in the pope or a bishop, and follow them as 
our masters, for these may, and often do err. But their 
teachings must be subject to the inspection of the collec- 
tive body of christians. What they teach must be ex- 
amined and judged by the congregation, and this judgment 
must stand, for the church must go before the preachers. 
This Paul also- teaches in 1 Cor. xiv. 29, 30. But now 
the pope and his minions have become such tyrants, that 
they have entirely perverted this christian, divine and 
Apostolic order, and have introduced such pagan and Py- 
thagorean customs, that they may say any foolish thing 
they please, and no one is to judge or correct them, or com- 
mand them to hold their peace. And in this way they 
have grieved the Spirit, that we find neither Mary nor 
Joseph, nor Christ with them." 

On pnge 529, speaking of Christ's sheep, he says, 
" There are many who are baptized and hear the gospel, 
and go to the Lord's Supper, and yet are no christians. 
But by this alone we are to know them ; those only are 
true christians who have faith in their hearts. But who 
knows this 1 — You cannot look into my heart, nor I into 
yours, hence no one knows his sheep but Christ." * * * 

Tims he overthrows Judaism, priestcraft and popery, 
with its works, and takes from them the power to rule his 
flock, and in short will not have them to lord it over him- 






THE CHURCH QUESTION. CCCLXXIII. 

self or his church. He rejects all their judgment concern- 
ing the church, and tells them that they shall not judge his 
sheep by outward forms or circumstances, and yet, that he 
will have and defend his church, even if they know neither 
him nor his sheep, and reject, cut off, and condemn them. 

He also gives us the marks by which we shall be able 
to distinguish between the true church of God, and that 
which has the name of being his church, and is not. He 
teaches us, " that the church is not such a multitude of peo- 
ple included within certain systems of outward forms and 
ceremonies, as were the Jews with the laws of Moses. 
Nor is it a body of men and women that must be kept to- 
gether by outward human authority— nor is it at all to be 
bound by the ordinary succession, or government of the 
bishops, or their successors, as popery pretends. 

" But the church is a spiritual congregation, that hears the 
voice of this Shepherd and believes on him, and is governed 
by him through the Holy Ghost; and outwardly this church 
can only be known from the fact that she has his word and 
sacraments ; inwardly however, she knows him (by faith) 
and he knows her, even without knowing anything of the 
outward form." 

Again, on page 649, he says, "The true church must be 
separated from the other heap, (the Romish church,) for it 
is the command of God and Christ, that we are to have no 
fellowship with such. Therefore we must separate our- 
selves from the popish church, notwithstanding she boasts 
of her church authority and offices, and condemns us as 
schismatics from the church. And if she (the Romish 



CCCLXXIV. THE CHURCH QUESTION. 

church) should excommunicate and persecute us, on ac- 
count of our preaching and our confessing Christ, then we 
have the decision of Christ, that she is not the church, 
and that her offices and authority and whatever she prides 
herself with, will amount to nothing against us; but on the 
oilier hand our preaching, and offices, and judgment, and 
excommunication against her, will be of great-account be- 
fore God in heaven ! For of this we are certain that the 
true church is there, where Christ acknowledges his doc- 
trines, and where the true church is, there is the proper 
church authority." 

From this it would seem that Luther did not even con- 
sider the church of Rome a part of the true church of Je- 
sus Christ, for if it was the duty of all christians to sepa- 
rate themselves from her, surely she could not then be a 
part of Christ's church. And if she is now a part of 
Christ's church she must have improved vastly since Lu- 
ther's time, which no Protestant will claim for her. 

From what we have now seen of Luther's views of the 
church, we cannot but recognize a striking resemblance be- 
tween them and the views of the General Synod of the 
Evangelical Lutheran church of the United States, as ex- 
pressed in the Formula which is found in our excellent 
English Hymn Book, Chapter II., Part I. Sections L, II. 
and III. 

Sec. I. The true or invisible church is the collective 
body of all those of every religious denomination in the 
world, who are in a state of grace. 



THE CHURCH QUESTION. CCCLXXV. 

Sec. II. The true church of Christ is a spiritual society, 
consisting of members whose qualifications are spiritual, 
and who are associated for spiritual purposes. 

Sec. III. It is a Catholic (or universal) society ; its 
members not being confined to any particular nation, or 
religious denomination. 

This then seems to be the true Lutheran ground on this 
subject. The church it is true, in Luther's estimation was 
a great interest, but then the pious constituted that church. 
The church with him was not the priest, the ordinances, 
and the offices, so much as the spiritual power of its mem- 
bers. What Dr. D'Aubigne, therefore says, in his able 
article in the Biblical Repository about Lutheranism and 
the Reform, refers rather to the immediate followers of 
Luther, than to the great Reformer himself. And we think 
the above quotations from Luther's writings fully establish 
this fact. 

The next important event in the life of Luther, after the 
conference of Marburg in 1529, is the Diet at Augsburg in 
1530. The Protestants and Romanists were actively en- 
gaged in making preparations for that famous Diet. Charles 
himself, after having decorated his brow with laurels won 
in Italy and France, was to be there in person ; expectation 
was high, the papal party confidently looked for the down- 
fall of the Protestants, the Protestants on the other hand 
felt confidence in the God of nations. They had strength- 
ened and fortified each other, they had raised funds for the 
purpose of carrying on a war if it should become neces- 
sary. 



CCCLXXVI. DIET OF AUGSBURG APPOINTED. 1530. 

The elector John wrote to Luther, and asked him his 
opinion about defending the rights of conscience with the 
sword ; Luther returned a prompt and positive answer in 
the negative. Luther's letter is dated March 6th, 1530. 
He says : 

" You ask me whether we should defend ourselves by- 
arms against the Emperor, if he should use force against 
the gospel. According to the interpretation of law, taking 
into consideration the fact that the emperor has no right 
to use coercion, it might be permitted. This is also the 
opinion of my colleagues. But according to the word of 
God, it is not proper that a Christian, under any circum- 
stances, should take up arms against his prince. Chris- 
tians must suffer even injustice. Even if the «mperor 
should do wrong, as long as he is permitted to be emperor, 
he must be obeyed. If subjects were permitted to take 
up arms against their sovereigns whenever their sovereigns 
do wrong, all governments would be subverted, because 
where is there a governor who does not sometimes do 
wrong? As long as an emperor is emperor, or a duke a 
duke, no matter what he does, he must be obeyed, even 
though he were a pagan, and were to violate every pro- 
mise and oath. Yet, as all government is ordained of 
God, we must obey." 

These were the sentiments of the noble Reformer. 
Philip of Hesse was keen for war ; so were some other 
of the Protestant princes- — but the sentiments of Luther 
changed their views. They saw and felt the necessity of 
a closer union among themselves. They succeeded to 
some extent as we have seen above. 



LUTHER STARTS FOR AUGSBURG. CCCLXXVII. 

Ill 1529, at the Diet of Spire, the Protestant princes ap- 
pealed to the emperor. The emperor appointed a Diet to 
meet at Augsburg on the 8th of April, 1530. On the 
14th of March, the elector of Saxony sent to Luther an 
requested him to draw up a creed or confession of the 
faith of the Protestants, to be presented to the emperor at 
the approaching Diet. Luther composed a creed consist- 
ing of seventeen articles, which are called the Torgau ar- 
ticles, because they were presented to the elector there. 
These articles constitute the basis of the far-famed Augs- 
burg Confession. 

It is said that Justus Jonas and Dr. Bugenhagen assisted 
Luther in this work, and that they used, as a model, a 
rough sketch of a creed which had been presented to the 
Protestants, who were assembled some time before at 
Schwabach ; hence it is sometimes said, that Schwabach is 
the birth-place of our noble confession of faith. 

On the 3d of April, 1530, the elector of Saxony, with 
his splendid retinue, consisting of 160 persons, and the 
most celebrated Doctors in the world, started foi Augsburg. 
His knights and personal attendants were all clothed in 
the costume of the day, each man with his halbert and 
rich scarlet cloak, and they must have made a magnificent 
appearance. Luther, Melancthon, Justus Jonas, Spalatin, 
and Agricola, were the Theologians who accompanied the 
royal cavalcade. Luther of course was the life and soul 
of this large and brilliant company. No one was more 
cheerful than he, yet none was more in danger. It is said 
that he composed that soul-stirring hymn, "Ein' veste 



CCCLXXVIII. LUTHER S HYMN. 

Burg ist unser Gott," for the very purpose of cheering up 
the pious elector and his suit. This splendid hymn was 
sung on the way to Augsburg, and at Augsburg, and every 
time it was sung it cheered up the drooping Protestants. 
Luther also composed the music, which is, if anything, 
superior to the words. Let those of our readers who un- 
derstand German turn to No. 429, of the old Lutheran 
hymn book, and read that hymn, and remember the cir- 
cumstances under which it was written — it was written to 
cheer the downcast hearts of a handful of Christians, who 
were now on their way to confront the most powerful 
monarch of his age — when it had not only been rumored 
that there was danger, but when the elector of Saxony 
had actually been warned not to go to Augsburg ; but he 
went with his subjects according to Luther's advice trust- 
ing in God. There never was a hymn or patriotic song 
written that was better adapted to accomplish the object 
contemplated. To give those who cannot read German 
an idea of this thrilling hymn, we have attempted a trans- 
lation — it is only an attempt. "We have changed the 
metre, and have only retained the most prominent ideas 
and train of thought ; but we repeat it, it must be read in 
German to be properly appreciated. 

A sure defence our God shall be, 
In this our need, to him we'll flee ; 
He will preserve his faithful few 
When storms and dangers are in view. 
The enemy of old now raves, 
To send us all to early graves. 









luther's hymn. ccclxxix. 

But all his ravings are in vain, 
Our souls shall be revived again! 
By our own might we cannot stand, 
We are a weak defenceless band, 
But there is one whose mighty arm 
Can keep us safe from every harm! 
And do you ask what is his name ? 
Jehovah, Jesus, yes ! the same ! 
He is the God whose power can save, 
And save us from the threatening grave ! 
And though the world with devils teemed, 
And every one a monster seemed, 
Yet we could all their wrath defy 
By trusting Him who sits on high. 
They may destroy our limbs and lives, 
Our homes, our children and our wives, 
But still the reign of Christ is sure, 
It shall from age to age endure ! 

This hymn was sung not only at Augsburg, but in all 
the Lutheran churches in Saxony, and no doubt gladdened 
many a desponding heart. On their way to Augsburg, 
they stopt frequently, and on all suitable occasions Luther 
preached, and always infused a new courage into them. 
When they came to Coburg, the elector informed Luther 
that he could not go any further, but would have to con- 
tent himself there. Luther remonstrated ; but the elector 
was firm, and Luther cheerfully obeyed, as he always did 
where matters of conscience were not concerned. This 
was a proper step of caution ; various reasons have been 
assigned for this measure ; some say, the elector was afraid 



CCCLXXX. LUTHER AT COBURG. 

of the impetuosity of Luther's temper. There was nothing 
>o fear from this ; although Luther was a bold, daring and 
courageous man as ever lived, and although he feared nei- 
ther men nor devils, yet he was prudent, and knew how 
to deport himself as well as any man, who went to Augs- 
burg. No, it was not that the elector feared anything 
from Luther's intrepidity, but it was because Luther had 
been condemned at Worms, and was at the very time un- 
der the bans of the empire and the church, and it would 
have been an insult to the emperor to bring him into his 
presence— more than this, Luther's life would not have 
been safe a moment at Augsburg, for some foreign Roman 
Catholic might have killed him, for any person was per* 
mitted to kill him with impunity ! According to the Rom- 
ish code of law it would have been no sin for any person 
to kill Luther. The elector had rooms provided for him 
and left twelve horsemen to guard him, and told him he 
should be consulted on all matters concerning the church. 
Luther occupied an old castle, as he had at Eisenach. But 
the confinement had a bad effect upon his health. At 
Wartburg he was engaged in translating the New Testa- 
ment, here he was in translating the Old. On the 2d of 
May the elector of Saxony, with his splendid suit, en- 
tered Augsburg. His coming produced quite a sensation, 
because it was not expected that he would come ; he was 
among the first who arrived. 

This was the most magnificent Diet that was ever held 
in Germany. When they were all present it was a bril- 
liant assembly. Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, had a suit 



DIET AT AUGSBURG. CCCLXXXI. 

of one hundred and ninety nobles, the cavalcade of the em- 
peror consisted of upwards of two thousand — never had 
there been such an assembly in Germany. Melancthon, 
in the absence of Luther, was the most brilliant star of at- 
traction in all this immense mass. The task of preparing 
the Protestant confession of faith was assigned to him. 
He had already commenced the noble task at Coburg in 
connexion with Luther. He had completed his work be- 
fore the emperor arrived; it was sent to Luther for his ap- 
proval. Luther examined it and returned this answer, 
" This is the doctrine I teach, but I cannot tread so softly 
and gently as Melancthon." Luther had no corrections to 
make, and why should he, when the very articles he had 
presented to the elector at Torgau, was the basis of these. 
Besides this, Melancthon perfectly well understood Lu- 
ther's views, and would of course write nothing but what 
he knew Luther would approve. Luther had every con- 
fidence in the world in Melancthon. Before the emperor 
arrived, Melancthon revised the confession again, and made 
some alterations and sent it to Luther again for inspection ; 
Luther sent this message back, " It was good enough be- 
fore, and now it is a great deal better." Luther said after- 
wards that " the whole church in 1500 years had never seen 
such a work like this, no previous age of the church un- 
less in the age of the apostles could have prepared such a 
splendid document." This shows that Luther was not en- 
vious. He loved and respected Melancthon more than any 
other man, and Melancthon almost worshipped Luther— *- 
he thought no such a man as Luther had ever been in the 



CCCLXXXII. LUTHER S EMPLOYMENT WHILE AT COBURG. 

world — never perhaps were there two men more attached 
to each other. The correspondence between these two 
great men proves how much they loved each other. Me- 
lancthon was very mild and conciliatory, Luther was stern 
and uncompromising— Melancthon was fearful and timor- 
ous, Luther was bold and venturesome — and the only thing 
in which Melancthon surpassed Luther was in the logical 
arrangement of facts in his rhetoric, especially in Latin, 
(in German he is far inferior to Luther,) and perhaps in his 
knowledge of the Greek language. In every other respect 
Luther was far superior to him, as he was to every other 
man at Wittenberg ! 

Melancthon was just the man to embody the views of a 
whole church. While Melancthon was correcting and re- 
vising the confession, and endeavoring in his intercourse 
with the foreign dignitaries to remove the erroneous ideas 
they had of the Lutherans, Luther was at Coburg, (which 
he calls his Mount Sinai, and facetiously says he will 
convert it into Mount Zion,) engaged in writing to his 
friends, and commenting upon the Books of Daniel, Eze- 
kiel and the Psalms. Luther wrote some droll letters from 
Coburg, one to his son Johnny, which is very amusing, and 
which we would translate if we had room for it. He also 
wrote a letter to his messmates at Wittenberg, that is ex- 
ceedingly interesting, but it must be read in the original to 
be fully appreciated. The scenes that were daily acted at 
Augsburg were of a very exciting nature. Melancthon was 
ready on all occasions to make concessions, and had it not 
been for Luther, perhaps the difficulties in Germany might 






LUTHER S CONFIDENCE IN GOD. CCCLXXXIII. 

even then have been settled. But Luther was, as was 
agreed to, consulted on all subjects, and never yielded any 
point. Luther had put his trust not in princes but in God. 
He wrote a letter to a friend from Coburg, which shows 
the firmness of his faith in God. "I have," says he, 
"lately seen two wonders : first I was looking out of my 
window at night, and saw the stars in the heavens, and 
God's great beautiful arch over my head, but I could not 
see any pillars on which the builder had fixed this arch, 
and yet the heavens fell not, and this arch stood firm. Still 
there were some who were seeking for the pillars, and were 
longing to touch and to feel them. And because they could 
not do this, they stood quivering and trembling as if the 
heavens would certainly fall, and for no other reason than 
because they could not see and feel the pillars that held 
them up. If they could only grasp the pillars, then the 
heaven would stand fast." Thus Luther illustrated the 
faith of his own soul and wished to inspirit all others with 
the same strong confidence in God. From Coburg he 
poured in letter after letter to Melancthon and others, all 
tending to encourage them greatly. To Melancthon he 
says, " I hate from my heart the great anxiety about which 
you write, it is not the great perils of the cause — it is your 
own great unbelief that distresses you. It is your philoso- 
phy and not your theology that plagues you ; what can the 
devil do more than put us to death. 'Yes,' you reply 
'but by God's wrath is the truth cast down.' Then let it 
be cast down by God's wrath, and not by our cowardice — 
he is our Father and will be the Father of our children." 



CCCLXXXIV. THE READING OF THE 

Again, "As to my own salvation, I sometimes have doubts, 
but as to the groat cause, I never have any. If with such 
a cause we fall, then Christ falls with us, Christ the Ruler 
of the universe! And should Christ fall, then would I fai 
rather fall with him, than stand with the emperor. " 

On the 15th of June, the emperor entered Augsburg 
with great pomp and splendor, such as had perhaps never 
been seen by the grave Germans. On the day after his 
arrival the secretary of the emperor, Valdez, had an inter- 
view with Melancthon. During this interview Valdez in- 
formed Melancthon that the Spaniards had the most horri- 
ble ideas concerning the Lutherans. Melancthon said, 
" the Lutheran question is not so complicated, and so un- 
seemly as his majesty fancies. We do not attack the 
Catholic church — the whole controversy can be narrowed 
down to these three points, viz. the two kinds in the sac- 
rament; the marriage of the pastors ; and the abolition of 
private masses." The emperor was pleased with this, and 
communicated it to the pope's legate Campeggio — "The two 
first matters he said might easily be settled, but," says he, 
"the private masses the church cannot abolish." 

Charles and the pope's legate, and most of the Catho- 
lic bishops, were exceedingly anxious the matter should 
be settled without bringing it before the Diet. Finding 
however, that the matter could not be settled privately, on 
the 22d of June the emperor ordered both parties, both 
the Roman Catholic and Protestant, each to prepare a 
Confession of Faith. The Romanists of course, knew 
the request, as respected them, amounted to nothing ; they 



1531. CONFESSION OF FAITH. CCCLXXXV. 

prepared none. Melancthon had yet some correction to 
make, and had the whole to transcribe; this kept him very 
busy to get it ready. On the 23d of June the Protestant 
princes, the deputies, &c, met at the elector's quarters 
and signed the Confession. On the 24th it was presented 
to the Diet, but was not read until the 25th. When the 
Papists found that a public meeting could not be avoided, 
they urged the emperor to have the Diet removed to his 
private chapel. All persons were requested to leave the 
chapel who were not connected with the Diet. At 3 
o'clock in the afternoon, June 25, 1530, Chancellors Briick 
and Bayer stood up before the emperor, the former hold- 
ing the Latin, the latter the German copy. The emperor 
required the Latin copy to be read, but Duke John said 
"We are on German ground, I hope therefore, your ma- 
jesty will permit us to speak German ;" the emperor con- 
sented, when Dr. Bayer read this splendid document with 
a loud voice, so that it was distinctly heard, not only in 
the chapel, but the immense crowd that had gathered 
around the chapel also heard it. Thus it was heard by 
more than could possibly have heard it in the City Hall. 
During the two hours occupied in reading it, the emperor 
paid profound attention, so did all who heard it. When 
the reading was done, the emperor received both copies 
into his own hands. That very night it was translated 
into French, Italian, Portuguese and English, and sent off 
immediately to the pope, the kings of England, France 
and Portugal, by their several ambassadors. This was a 

glorious day for the Protestant cause — they had declared 
IT 



CCCLXXXVI. REPLY TO AUGSBURG CONFESSION. 

their sentiments before the whole Christian world. Luther 
was immediately informed of all that was done. He wrote 
a number of animating letters calculated to encourage the 
Protestants. The effects produced by the reading of the 
Confession of Faith were, as might have been expected; 
the emperor and the Romish princes were determined to 
put down all heresy in the German empire. Dr. Eck, 
Luther's former antagonist, and Faber, were employed in 
writing a refutation; in two weeks they presented their 
refutation to the emperor, but he returned it with the re- 
marks that it was too severe and ungenteel, "for the Con- 
fession," says he, "is a calm, dispassionate and dignified 
document." They commenced again, and in a few days 
presented a refutation of 280 leaves ; — the emperor looked 
over it, and tore out 268 leaves, the 12 leaves remaining 
he returned to Dr. Eck, and told him to make something 
decent out of them. At the end of six weeks, after writ- 
ing it over five times, the emperor received it. 

This refutation was read in the Diet. As soon as it was 
read the reformers wanted a copy of it, but this was re- 
fused. They were not to refute this refutation, under 
pain of the pope's and emperor's displeasure. This was 
the end of all controversy, and was virtually giving up the 
question, and saying, we cannot argue the doctrines of re- 
ligion with you. The Diet then passed a number of reso- 
lutions against heresy, and the Protestant princes were ac- 
tually in danger. Melancthon was willing to do almost 
anything to procure a peace, and if it had not been for Lu- 
ther, who was tne ruling spirit of the Reformation, per- 



FIRMNESS OF THE ELECTOR OF SAXONY. CCCLXXXV 

haps all would have been lost. But Luther's voice waa 
heard amid the raging storms, "Trust in God," "Trust in 
God." It is God's cause, and he will and must sustain it. 
" Fear not those who can kill the body." With these and 
similar appeals, he encouraged the down-hearted princes. 
Then they would pray together, and sing Luther's hymn, 

" A strong tower is our God." 

It was determined at the Diet of Augsburg, that the re- 
formed princes and their subjects should return to the bo- 
som of the Romish church — that there should be a general 
council — that the edict of Worms, should be carried out by 
force if it could not be done otherwise. Things looked 
more gloomy than ever. The elector of Saxony was 
threatened with the loss of his titles and possessions, if he 
would not desist from protecting the Reformer and new 
religion. The Lutherans protested in vain ; reason, scrip- 
ture and common sense, were voted down, and the power 
of Rome took the place of all three ! But the elector, un- 
der the influence of Luther, was firm as a rock. In No- 
vember the Diet separated, — the Protestant princes under 
the full impression that the emperor would attack them 
soon. 

We must now pass rapidly over the remaining part of 
Luther's eventful life. Those who wish to see more about 
the progress of the Reformation than we can give, are re- 
ferred to D'Aubigne and Scott. 

The Roman Catholic princes formed a new league at 
Cologne, and the Protestant princes found that they must 



CCCLXXXVIII. STATE OF AFFAIRS IN 1531-32. 

also do something for their mutual defence. They held a 
meeting at Smalkaid on the 27th of February, 1531. Pre- 
vious to this meeting, the elector of Saxony called upon 
Luther to prepare another confession of faith ; this was 
not to be so pacific as the one presented at Augsburg, its 
object was not the same as that prepared by Melancthon. 
The idea of a reconciliation with Rome was now aban- 
doned altogether. Hence Luther was at liberty to use his 
own language. He prepared a series of articles, and pre- 
sented them to the Protestant princes at Smalkaid, and 
hence called the Smalkaid Articles. The correspondence 
between Luther and the Elector on this subject is very in- 
teresting ; it is given in full in Luther's Works, Vol. IX. 
Luther was opposed to the shedding of blood, and succeed- 
ed in preventing it while he lived. 

Luther was now at Wittenberg, laboring as though noth- 
ing had occurred ; and indeed nothing had occurred that 
could in any way disturb the peace and tranquility of his 
soul. 

In June, 1531, the Protestant princes had another con- 
ference at Frankfort on the Maine, where they resolved to 
use force if the emperor would do the same. However 
the emperor found that he had enough to do with the 
Turks, who were then in a threatening attitude, and made 
no war upon the Protestant princes. 

In 1532, the Protestant and Roman Catholic princes 
held a joint meeting at Nuremberg, and there concluded a 
treaty of peace, which was very favorable to the progress 
of the Reformation. Soon after this treaty the pious elec- 






1534. THE ANABAPTISTS. CCCLX^ r -d. 

tor of Saxony departed this life ; he died on the 16th of 
August, 1532. Luther preached his funeral sermon from 
1 Thess. iv. 13 — 18, the same text from which he had 
seven years before preached two funeral sermons on the 
death of Frederick the Wise. Luther said, wisdom had 
died with Frederick, but piety with John ; he was one of 
the most firm and devoted christians. He was succeeded 
by his son John Frederick, in the 28th year of his age, 
who also became a friend of the Protestant cause. 

In 1533 a number of the inhabitants of Leipsic having 
become convinced of the truth of the Lutheran system of 
religion, made various efforts to cast off the errors of po- 
pery, but met with the most determined opposition of Duke 
George, whose subjects they were. The pious people, 
when they were denied the liberty to worship God in their 
own town, according to the dictates of their own con- 
sciences, repaired to a neighboring village, viz. Holtz- 
hausen, and there celebrated the Lord's Supper in both 
kinds. This so enraged the bigoted duke, that he banished 
seventy citizens from Leipsic ! Luther wrote an interest- 
ing letter to these persecuted citizens, which produced quite 
an excitement. He also wrote a letter to duke George, 
and scared that bigot to the very quick, — he paid him for 
his old delinquencies ! 

In 1534, Luther had his difficulties with the Anabaptists 
of the Netherlands. This was only another phase of the 
fanaticism of Thuringia. John Bekold, a tailor of Leyden, 
was chosen king of the New Jerusalem, and the infuriated 
fanatics took possession of the imperial city of Munster 



CCCXC. LUDICROUS SCENE. 

They held this city for more than a year, and practised 
the greatest abominations in it. Several German princes 
combined, and with the bishop of Munster, put them down 
by force. Luther wrote a work called " A Refutation of 
he Munsterites." 

Luther now saw, with gratitude to God, that the church 
was safe. The Reformation was now rapidly spreading 
far and wide, and he might now have taken his ease, but 
he was still active, preaching and writing. The Romish 
church had now become convinced that no threatening 
measures could bring the Saxon Reformer and his sup- 
porters to terms. The pope, Paul III., who had succeed- 
ed Clement in September, 1534, thought he would try 
what negotiation could do with Luther. He sent the 
Bishop of Capo DTstria, Peter Paul Vergerius, to Ger- 
many, to try his hand at negotiation. He arrived at Wit- 
tenberg late in the fall, with great pomp and splendor ; he 
had twenty-one horses and an ass in his retinue. The 
day after his arrival he sent for Luther. Luther went to 
his barber and got shaved, and put on his best clothes, and 
told his barber he wanted to look young, that his enemies 
might think he had a long time to live; he then put a gold 
chain around his neck, saying, "This is the way in which 
we must deal with these foxes." When in his carriage 
with Bugenhagen, or Pomeranius, he said, laughing, "Here 
go the pope and cardinal of Germany !" He was intro- 
duced to the nuncio. The nuncio told him the pope had 
now made up his mind to have a general council called. 
Luther replied, it is only a joke, the pope is not serious ; 



LUDICROUS SCENE. CCCXCI 

but even if there is a general council, it will only be en- 
gaged in trifles, such as tonsures and vestments. But 
says he, call your council, and God willing, I will attend 
it, though I should be burned. Vergerius then said, where 
will you have it ? Any place, says Luther ; at Mantua, 
or Padua, or Florence. Are you willing to meet at Bo- 
logna? "To whom," says Luther, "does that belong?" 
" It belongs to the pope," said the nuncio. Luther ex- 
claimed, "gracious heavens ! has the pope seized that 
place too? Well, I will even go to that place." The 
nuncio then asked Luther, " How would you like the pope 
to visit Wittenberg ?" " Let him come, we should like 
to see him." "But," says Vergerius, "how would you 
like him to come, with an army or unattended ?" Luther 
replied, " Just as he pleases /" The nuncio then asked 
Luther whether the preachers of Saxony were ordained ? 
Certainly, says he, pointing to Dr. Bugenhagen, there sits 
our bishop ! Much conversation passed between them, 
and this very man, Vergerius, was afterwards converted, 
anu no doubt his mind was first impressed by the noble 
conduct of Luther. 

In December, 1535, there was another conference held 
at Smalkald ; this was attended by the German princes, 
and ambassadors of Francis I., King of France, and Hen- 
ry VIIL, King of England. Here it was determined upon 
that the general council must be held in Germany. Thomas 
Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, in England, about 
this time became a follower of Luther. Luther had no 
great opinion of Henry's Reformation in England, he said 



CGCXCII. EFFORT TO MAKE PEACE. 1536. 

it was only removing one pope to make room for another. 
This idea arose no doubt from the contemptible opinion 
Luther had of Henry. 

On the 21st of March, L536, Martin Bucer, Capito, of 
Strasburg, Frecht, of Ulm, Zwick, of Kostnitz, Lycos- 
thenes and Musculus, of Augsburg, Myconius, of Gotha, 
and Justus Menius, of Eisenach, came to Wittenberg, for 
the laudable purpose of healing if possible the breach be- 
tween the Lutherans and the Zwinglians, in relation to the 
Lord's Supper. They were so far successful in their mis- 
sion, that they all signed a kind of common platform, and 
even celebrated the Lord's Supper together ! 

The Swiss preachers were the only ones that refused to 
enter into this brotherly union. 

In 1543, Zwingle's works were published in Latin, at 
Zurich. Some harsh remarks were made against Luther 
in the preface of that work, that compelled him in 1544, 
to defend himself. See " Luther und dessen Reforma- 
tion," page 215. Luther now seemed more willing to 
fraternize with the Zwinglians than they did with him. 

In 1536, on the 2d of June, the pope issued his bull for 
a council to be held at Mantua. Soon after, hawever, it 
was changed to Vicenza. Luther laughed at the pope's 
duplicity. He said the pope was not in earnest, which 
was no doubt the fact. Luther well understood the game 
of the old fox at Rome. Luther says in a letter to a friend, 
" The pope worries himself with this council, like a cat 
with her kittens. In Germany he does not wish to hold 
it, in Mantau he dare not, now it is to be held in Vicenza. 



pope's bull for a council. cccxcin. 

This the pope well knows cannot be, nor does he really 
desire it. There is no place to be found where he wants 
a council to be held. If a council were to meet that would 
in the least oppose the will of the pope, the crown and 
the keys would have to fall to the ground. A free and in- 
dependent council would be death and hell to the majesty 
of Rome ! If all matters were stirred up in such a coun- 
cil, what a tremendous moral stench it would produce ! 
Of this they are afraid, and therefore put it off on the most 
trifling pretexts." A few months afterwards the pope pub- 
lished the important news, that he had appointed five car- 
dinals and three bishops to reform the abuses of the court 
at Rome. This also Luther looked at as an Italian trick, 
for he knew it would not be done. In the mean time the 
Protestant princes made preparation for the council. The 
Augsburg Confession, which was looked upon by all Pro- 
testants as a masterpiece, but which had been prepared 
with great caution, and whose main object seems to have 
been to show the Catholic world how near the Protestants 
came to the church of Rome ; — was not considered suf- 
ciently strong for the views of the Protestants now. 

In the Augsburg Confession many important matters 
were not touched ; among others, the power of the pope, 
and the episcopal functions of the bishops. The Protes- 
tant princes were determined that they would present an- 
other creed or confession at a general council ; Luther of 
course was appointed to prepare this new confession. In 

December, 1536, he commenced it, and in January, 1537, 

17* 



CCCXCIV. LUTHER PREPARES ANOTHER CONFESSION. 1537. 

the members of the Smalkaldic League received and ap- 
proved it at Smalkald ; and the divines assembled there, 
examined, approved, and signed it. Melancthon, we are 
told, also prepared a document on this occasion, whether 
by request or of his own accord, we have not the means 
of knowing. At the request of the elector of Saxony, 
Luther also prepared the ground work of a plan for attack- 
ing the pope, for he, it was agreed upon on all hands, was 
to attend the council, as the representative of the Univer- 
sity of Wittenberg. That would have been a sublime 
spectacle ;— Luther meeting the pope, and the united wis- 
dom, and learning, and talent, of the whole papal world ! 
And he would have sustained himself nobly, as he had 
done on all former occasions. Rome could have mustered 
no greater men than Luther had already met and van- 
quished, and well she knew it. It may be proper to re- 
mark here, that the documents above referred to, consti- 
tute, together with the former league, the celebrated Smal- 
kaldic Articles, which occupy so prominent a place in the 
"Form of Concord." Melancthon had some scruples, it 
appears, about signing the confession drawn up by Luther ; 
he was willing to allow the pope more power than Luther 
thought he ought to have. This is no doubt another rea- 
son why papists speak so highly of Melancthon. Still 
Melancthon signed the Smalkaldic Articles. Luther preach- 
ed two sermons while at Smalkald, on the " Apostles' 
Creed." When he went thither he was in the enjoyment 
of good health, but was taken very ill with the gravel. 
His friends thought he would never recover, but he got 






1539. DUKE GEORGE DIES. CCCXCV. 

better ; and on the 26th of February he left Smalkald, in 
one of the elector's carriages, in company with Dr. Bu- 
genhagen, Spalatin, and Dr. George Sturz, a physician, 
and came to Tambach, a large village in the mountains of 
Thuringia, where the salubrious air, and the pure water, 
afforded him some relief. But on his way home, at Gotha 
his disease returned with double fury, and it was thought 
he must certainly die. But by the blessing of God he 
again recovered, and reached Wittenberg on the 14th of 
March. 

In 1538, on the 20th of June, the Holy League of the 
Roman Catholics was formed at Nuremburg. This asso- 
ciation had an important influence upon the destinies of 
the Reformation, but it does not fall within our plan to no- 
tice it. 

In 1539, on the 24th of April, the mortal enemy of Lu- 
ther, Duke George, died, and was succeeded by his brother 
Henry, who was a Lutheran. Luther had said frequent- 
ly, " I will yet live to see the time when Duke George and 
his house will be no more, and I shall even preach in Leip- 
sic." He did live to see both. 

In 1540 there was to be a kind of a Diet, called a con- 
vention, where both parties were to meet, in relation to 
some business connected with the Avar with the Turks, and 
the Reformation. It was agreed that Melancthon should 
attend this convention. It was appointed at Spire, but 
owing to an epidemic that raged there, it was removed to 
Hagenau. On his way thither, Melancthon took sick; it 
was thought he must die. Luther was sent for, he came 



CCCXCVI. BAD CONDUCT OF PHILIP OF HESSE BIGAMY. 

in all haste, he found his dear Philip in a state of insensi- 
bility, he could neither hear, speak nor see. When Lu- 
ther saw him in this awful condition, he became much ex- 
cited and exclaimed, " Great God ! how has the devil 
marred this noble instrument." He then walked towards 
the window, and prayed most earnestly for his friend; he 
prayed in faith, for he had some intimation that his prayer 
was heard, and that Melancthon would not die. — He al- 
ways prayed in faith ! 

After Luther had prayed, he took Melancthon by the 
hand and thundered into his ears, "Be of good cheer, 
Philip, you will not die, therefore don't give way to this 
spirit of despondency; do not destroy yourself, for God 
according to his promises has to hear my prayer." Me- 
lancthon then awoke as from a sleep; Luther made him 
eat some soup, and he soon recovered. Melancthon af- 
terwards said, he certainly would have died if Luther had 
not saved him by his prayers. Luther is said in like 
manner to have prayed his own wife and his friend My- 
conius from the very borders of the grave ! It is said that 
Melancthon's sickness was occasioned by the unbecoming 
and unchristian conduct of one of the supporters of the 
Protestant cause, viz. Philip, Landgrave of Hesse. As 
much has been said on this subject it would be unpardon- 
able to pass it by unnoticed. It appears that Philip, who 
was married to a daughter of George, Duke of Saxony, 
fell in love with Margaret Saal, a maid of honor to his 
sister Elizabeth; as he was too conscientious to make her 
his concubine, (although nothing was more common then 



luther's conduct vindicated. cccxcvii. 

than for princes of the Romish church to have their con- 
cubines, and that too, with and by the consent of the 
pope.) he hastily took it into his head to marry her, and 
actually obtained the consent of his own wife for that pur- 
pose. But still he had his scruples as to its propriety. 
In all such cases it was the universal custom for Princes 
to apply to the Pope for dispensations, but Philip had bro- 
ken with the pope, and as the highest civil power was in 
his own hands, he applied through his chaplain, Dr. Bu- 
cer, to the Professors at Wittenberg, and they, after inves- 
tigating the matter fully, came to the conclusion that if it 
could not be avoided, it was better to marry than to com- 
mit adultery. We have investigated the matter, and think 
honestly that Luther erred on this occasion in giving any 
advice at all on the subject. Still he had his reasons for 
his conduct. We will here insert a letter from our es- 
teemed friend, Dr. S. S. Schmucker, Professor of the Lu- 
theran Seminary at Gettysburg, a gentleman whose lucid 
and penetrating mind always throws a glare of light on 
every subject that he discusses. 
"Dear brother Weiser: 

" You ask my opinion concerning the agency of Luther 
and Melancthon in countenancing the bigamy of Philip, 
the Landgrave of Hesse. In reply I remark, the conduct 
of those two excellent men must be viewed in connection 
with the circumstances in which it took place ; and even 
then the accuracy of their counsel cannot be vindicated, 
although their sincerity in giving it can. It must be re- 
membered, that they had been educated in the Romish 



CCCXCVIII. 

church, where the practice of priestly and episcopal dis- 
pensations from the laws of God, as well as of the church, 
was a thing of frequent occurrence, as it is even at this 
day. In some cases dispensations were granted by the 
ecclesiastical authorities to perform acts full as sinful even 
as bigamy ; and these acts Romish casuists are wont to 
sustain by various arguments. From the influence of 
early education in these principles, these good men it 
seems had not fully extricated themselves, although they 
had cast off their allegiance to Rome, and with it the 
greater part of her errors. The Landgrave had under a 
solemn pledge of secrecy communicated to them, as Seck- 
endorf informs us, such circumstances in relation to his 
wife, as would in the civil courts have been regarded suf- 
ficient ground for divorce ; yet he was not willing that 
they should be published, (nor were they ever given to the 
public.) He moreover declared that he acted conscien- 
tiously, and professed to be under the absolute necessity 
of matrimony, for the reason assigned by Paul, 1 Cor. 
vii. 2. Under these circumstances, the Reformers first 
earnestly exhorted the Landgrave to strive for the mastery 
over himself, and not to give occasion for scandal, as his 
avowed motives and reasons would not be believed. They 
declared that as a general rule the laws of the New Tes- 
tament condemned such a course as he proposed, and they 
could not approve of it. Yet they closed by saying, that 
if he found it impossible to contain himself, as adultery 
would be a greater sin, it might be allowed as a special 
case, provided it were kept perfectly secret, so that the ex- 



LUTHER S CONDUCT VINDICATED. CCCXCIX. 

ample would not encourage others to a similar course ; and 
even then it must be regarded as a dispensation ! The 
fact that they enjoined such profound secrecy would seem 
to Protestants to imply that they had some misgivings as 
to the accuracy of their consent. Yet it must be remem- 
bered, thai in the Romish church, where they had learned 
the doctrine of dispensations, cases calculated to cause 
public scandal were generally kept secret. Still we in- 
cline to the opinion, that they both soon regretted it; and 
Melancthon was so distressed about it, that he had a spell 
of sickness in consequence. The official documents touch- 
ing this case were not published till 1G79. The above 
opinion and statement is at your service, to use as you 
please in your Life of the great Reformer." 

As a confirmation of the above views of Professor 
Schmucker and myself, we add a remark on this subject 
from Dr. Milner : 

" It is by no means necessary to the defence of the Re- 
formation that we should either apologize for the Land- 
grave, or assert the unerring wisdom of Luther himself, 
than whom no man more sincerely disavowed all preten- 
sions to infallibility ; yet after a careful examination of the 
documents brought forward, I venture to affirm that they 
by no means warrant the charges and insinuations which 
have been founded upon them; and are, in many respects, 
highly honorable to the Protestant divines, even though we 
should allow that they would have done better in entering 
their solemn protest against the whole proceeding, and giv- 
ing the Landgrave no further advice whatever, which could 
be at all construed into even an equivocal sanction of it," 



cccc. luther's labors in 1539 —42. 

During the years 39, 40, 41, and 42, Luther was ex- 
ceedingly busy ; he wrote nearly forty works, small and 
great for the press, besides lecturing in the University, visit- 
ing, writing letters and preaching. At the same time he 
neglected not the cultivation of religion in his own soul. 
Even though he labored more than perhaps any other man 
ever did, yet he found time to pray from two to four hours 
every day. He constantly walked with God ! 

Luther was not only a man of great talents and energy 
and courage, but he was also very humble, and like all 
truly great men, had a low and unworthy opinion of him- 
self. Look at a letter he wrote to some Christians in 
Italy in 1542: "I find in you such and so great gifts of 
God's grace, that I feel ashamed of myself, who after being 
so many years conversant in the word of God, am con- 
scious that I fall far short of the spirit which actuates you. 
I am sensible that what you in your candor and affection 
attribute to me I do not deserve. I really am much be- 
low the opinion you form of me. I am a sinful man, 
though one whom God has called out of the deepest dark- 
ness into his marvelous light, and unfit and unworthy as 
I am of it, has committed to me so great and weighty a 
ministry." And in all cases when he spoke of himself 
he expressed the most humble opinions of himself. He 
acknowledged his faults on all occasions, and always pre- 
ferred others, or placed them above him in learning and 
piety. He frequently said he was far inferior to Erasmus 
and Melancthon, and even Carlstadt, in learning, and he 
considered Dr. Bugenhagen his superior as a preacher, 






LUTHER INFERIOR 10 NO MAN OF HIS AGE. CCCCI. 

and yet he never had a superior either in learning or pul- 
pit talents. Luther was emphatically a Bible man; he 
loved the Bible; it was the man of his counsel — his lamp 
and his light. His love for the Bible may be inferred 
from one of those strong expressions which only Luther 
could make — he says, " I had almost said, I would rather 
be in hell with the Bible, than in paradise without it." 

In 1540, Luther had to take up his pen against one who 
had been his friend, but who in consequence of his want 
of firmness in his own principles, had written against Lu- 
ther's views on the Law — this was John Agricola, of Eis- 
leben. Luther wrote a work against "the Antinomians," 
and at once demolished Agricola's popularity without even 
mentioning his name. 

We have not time here to notice the almost endless diets, 
conferences and conventions, that were held at the differ- 
ent places, from 1535 to 1545, nor the progress of the 
Reformation in the different countries of Europe; these 
things rather belong to the History of the Reformation. 
Suffice it to say, that before Luther left the stage of action, 
his labors had wrested nearly half his dominions from the 
pope. We will here add a few remarks of Thomas Chal- 
mers, one of the most brilliant orators of the ninetieth cen- 
tury. This will give us perhaps as vivid an idea of the 
mighty conflict in which Luther was engaged, as anything 
else that can be said : 

" The great service for which the Reformers, in their 
respective countries, deserve the gratitude of posterity, is, 
not that they shone upon us with any original light of their 



CCCCII. THE GRATITUDE WE OWE LUTHER FOR HIS LABORS. 

own, but that they cleared away a most grievous obstruc- 
tion, which had stood for ages, and intercepted from the 
eyes of mankind the light of revelation. This they did 
by asserting in behalf of God, the paramount authority of 
his word, over the belief and the consciences of men ; and 
asserting in behalf of man, his right of private judgment 
on the doctrines which are contained in the oracles of God. 
This right of private judgment is a right maintained not 
against the authority of God, but against men who have 
assumed to themselves the office of being the infallible and 
ultimate interpreters of his word. It was against this that 
our reformers went forth, and prevailed. Theirs was a no- 
ble struggle for the spiritual liberties of the human race, 
against the papacy of Rome ; and nobly did they acquit 
themselves of this holy warfare ! At first it was a fearful 
conflict, when on the one side there was the whole strength 
of the secular arm, and on the other a few obscure, but de- 
voted men, whose only weapons were truth and prayer, 
with suffering constancy. The Reformation by Luther is 
far the proudest exploit on record, who with naught but a 
sense of duty, and the energies of his own undaunted soul 
to sustain him, went forth single-handed against the hosts of 
a most obdurate corruption that filled all Europe, and had 
weathered the lapse of many centuries ; who by the might 
of his own uplifted arm, shook the authority of that high 
pontificate, which had held the kings and the great ones 
of the earth in thraldom; who with no other weapons 
than those of argument and scripture, brought down from 
its peering altitude, that old spiritual tyranny whose head 



1542. LUTHER BEGINS TO FAIL. CCCCIII. 

had reached unto heaven, and which had the entrench- 
ments of the deepest and strongest prejudices thrown 
around its base ! When we can trace a result so magnifi- 
cent as this, to the workings of one solitary individual ; 
when the breast of Luther was capable of holding the 
germ or embryo of the greatest revolution which the world 
ever saw ; when we observe how many kindred spirits 
caught from his, the fire of that noble inspiration by which 
it was actuated, and how powerfully the voice which he 
lifted up in the midst of Germany, was re-echoed to from 
the distant extremities of Europe by other voices. ! let 
us not despair of truth's omnipotence." 

But we must now hasten to the close of Luther's splen- 
did career. In 1541, his health began to decline, his 
physical energies began to abate, and he felt old age creep- 
ing upon him rapidly. Although his mental powers were 
as vigorous as ever, yet he found he could not endure the 
labors of his formers days. The fact is, both his mental 
and physical labors were too great for any human being. 
He thought himself justly entitled to a little repose be- 
tween the active labors of such an eventful life, and the 
rest of the grave. But he could find no rest ; he preached 
and labored, and wrote on to the very last. Although in 
1545 Luther was only in the 63d year of his age, yet he 
was fairly broken down. He suffered much from the in- 
flammation of one of his eyes, whose sight he lost en- 
tirely. He also had severe pains in the head and limbs, 
was much troubled with the gravel, and frequently very 
much cast down. Yet he was a terror to the Roman- 



CCCCIV. LYING REPORTS ABOUT LUTHER. 

ists, and no man at Wittenberg could take his place ; he 
was still the first man in Germany ; his influence was un- 
bounded ; he was consulted on nearly all subjects, civil 
and ecclesiastical. The Romanists were exceedingly anx- 
ious for Luther's death — nothing could have afforded them 
more satisfaction. In 1545 there was actually a pamph- 
let published at Naples, giving a minute and circumstantial 
account of Luther's death. This pamphlet states thaf 
Luther spent his last moments in drunkenness, and cursing 
his holiness the pope — that Luther before he died ordered 
himself to be placed upon the altar, and commanded his 
followers to worship him as a god — that when he was re- 
ceiving the sacrament, the consecrated wafer leaped out of 
his stomach, and remained suspended in the air— that 
when he was buried there was such a frightful storm, ac- 
companied with such thunder and lightning, that the peo- 
ple actually thought the day of judgment was come — that 
in the morning after his burial the tomb was found empty, 
and that such a strong stink of brimstone issued from the 
grave, that no person could go near it ; and that in conse- 
quence of these marks of God's displeasure, many per- 
sons repented and turned to the Catholic communion ! 
Philip, the Landgrave of Hesse, sent Luther a copy of 
this pamphlet, who of course was much amazed, and pub- 
lished a large edition of it in German, and one in Italian, 
adding nothing to it but the following note : " Now I, Mar- 
tin Luther, doctor, acknowledge and testify, by this present 
writing, that I received the foregoing angry tale, respecting 
my death, on the 21st of March, and that I have read i* 



1544. TROUBLES AT WITTENBERG. CCCCV. 

with great mirth and jollity, except the blasphemy thai 
such lies should be attributed to the high, divine Majesty. 
For the rest, it tickles me to my right knee-pan, and my 
left heel, that the devil and his crew, the pope and the pa- 
pists, hate me so heartily. May God convert them from 
the devil ! But if it be decreed, that my prayer for sin, 
which is unto death cannot be answered — very well — then 
God grant that they may speedily fill up the measure of 
their iniquity, and do nothing more for their comfort and 
joy than with such books as these." Although Luther's 
confidence in God was strong, yet there were many things 
calculated to make his last days bitter. The influence of 
his doctrines extended far and wide, millions called them- 
selves his followers, and among them were many who took 
the liberty for themselves which Luther had taken for him- 
self — they thought and acted differently — some as might 
reasonably be expected were not sound in the faith. Ag- 
ricola for instance and others. The controversy on the 
sacrament had divided the Reformers, even Melancthon 
and Luther were well nigh separating — the churches were 
not careful enough in enforcing the Bible discipline — many 
congregations in Saxony did not support their pastors pro- 
perly—the intestine war that was threatening. All these 
things were calculated to embitter his declining days. In 
addition to these things, the students of the University were 
guilty of irregularities which Luther, it would seem, in his 
old days could not hinder. It appears that the young men 
of the University were in the habit of contracting secret 
marriages ; this evil grew out of a too familiar intercourse 



CCCCVI. TROUBLE WITH THE LADIES AT WITTENBERG. 

between the students and the daughters of the citizens of 
Wittenberg. Luther thought students had no business to 
run after the young ladies, and the fact is, it is a most inju- 
rious practice and has been the means of blasting the pros- 
pects of many a promising student. Luther declared in 
his strong language, " that things had come to such a pass 
in Wittenberg, that a father could scarcely send his boy to 
a neighbor's house on an errand, without the risk of having 
him return a married man." He exhorted, he prayed, he 
preached, he appealed to the magistrates and to the elector 
but all his labors seemed to be in vain. He was grieved 
and highly offended at the familiarity that existed between 
the students of the University, and the young ladies of 
Wittenberg. He said on one occasion, that the young 
ladies went so far as to visit the students at their rooms, 
this he considered highly unbecoming. It seems Luther 
had the same troubles to contend with in 1545, which still 
exist in 1848. 

There was another matter that vexed and tormented him 
very much. It appears the ladies of Wittenberg were not 
quite so modest as they should have been, and as Luther 
wished them to be. The ladies adopted an outrageous 
fashion of dressing indecently low in the neck, so as to ex- 
pose themselves in a very unbecoming manner. To this 
Parisian fashion Luther strongly objected ; he declared that 
those half-naked females ought to be disciplined ; yea, "such 
long-necked women," says he, "ought to be turned out of 
church." "But Luther found, as many others had found 
before and many have found since, that it is easier to carry 



LUTHER LEAVES WITTENBERG RETURNS. CCCCVII. 

a point against any other earthly power than against the 
power of a lady's fashion, especially if it be an unreason- 
able and indefensible fashion ! He who had single handed 
and alone, resisted and defeated the most tremendous power 
which ever existed on earth, was utterly unable to per- 
suade or compel the ladies of his own church to cover their 
bosoms, when it was fashionable to leave them uncovered! 
Luther considered the reputation and usefulness of the 
University and Theological Seminary to be in imminent 
danger from these and like causes." In consequence of 
these things and his inability to stem these torrents of ini- 
quity, he threatened to leave Wittenberg forever, and actu- 
ally carried his threat into execution. Luther left Witten- 
berg with the full determination never to return; he was 
perhaps somewhat petulant at this time, as old people often 
are ; he went to Leipsic, from that place he wrote a letter 
to his wife, and informed her that he would never return 
to Wittenberg- — that she should sell all their property in the 
city and move to Zeulsdorf, to a small farm which was a 
gift of the elector of Saxony — and requested her to com- 
municate this information to Melancthon, (he was not on 
the best terms with Melancthon at this time, on account 
of his leaning to the views of Zwingle,) and also wished 
Bugenhagen to bless the congregation in his name, as the 
last benediction of their old pastor. Great was the con- 
sternation at Wittenberg — the citizens, the professors and 
students, all deeply deplored the step Luther had taken. 
They all united in urging the elector to use all his influence 
to induce Luther to return. The elector sent his own fam- 



CCCCVIII. LUTHER S WILL. 

ily physician, Dr. Ratzenberger, with a pressing letter to 
Luther, and invited him to meet him (the elector) at Tor- 
gau, they did meet at Torgau, and Luther promised to re- 
turn to Wittenberg. But whether the students and fash 
ionable ladies at Wittenberg, behaved better and became 
more modest after his return we are not informed. After 
visiting his friends Scherl, at Leipsic, and Amsdorf, at Zeitz, 
and prince George of Anhalt, at Merseburg, he returned to 
Wittenberg, and resumed his labors. 

On the 17th of November, 1545, he finished his Com- 
mentary on the Book of Genesis, with these remarkable 
words : *• This is now my dear Genesis ! May our dear 
Lord God give others the ability to do it better, who may 
follow me. I can do no better, for I am weak. Pray to 
God for me, that he would grant me a peaceful and a happy 
end." Luther now felt that he could not live long, and 
soon after his return wrote his will, which like every thing 
that he did, is also extraordinary. 

We will furnish a few extracts of Luther's will. Luth- 
er's property was as follows, viz. (we obtain this infor- 
mation from the Madgeburg Life of Luther, of 1834, p 
245.) 

1. The property at Wachsdorf was worth 1500 gold 
florins. 

2. The property at Zeulsdorf, (a gift of the elector) 
was worth 956 guilders. 

3. An orchard and out lot, worth 400 gold florins. 

4. A small house at Wittenberg called the Bude, 300' 
gold florins. 






LUTHER S WILL. CCCCIX. 

5. The buildings of the old Augustinian Convent, which 
the elector Frederick gave to Luther — this was sold for 
3700 gold florins. 

6. One thousand gold florins, which Luther had lent to 
the count of Mansfeldt. 

7. Silver plate and jewelry, worth 1000 gold florins. 

8. Household furniture, worth about 600 gold florins. 
Luther's whole estate amounted in all to 9458 guilders. 

A guilder is worth about 40 cents of our money. 

Luther was 450 guilders in debt; this would reduce hisr 
property to about $4000, a very small estate indeed for a 
man like Martin Luther. We now copy from Prof. Stowe. 
" This is all I am worth, and I give it all to my wife for 
the following reasons, viz. 

1. Because she has always conducted herself towards 
me lovingly, worthily and beautifully, like a pious, faithful 
and noble wife, and by the blessing of God, she has borne 
me and brought up for me five living children, who yet 
live, and God grant that they may long live. 

2. Because she will pay my debts. 

3. But most of all because I will not have her depen- 
dent upon her children, but the children dependent on 
her, that they may love and honor her as God has com- 
manded. For I see how the devil, by wicked and envious 
mouths, heats and excites children, even though they be pi- 
ous, against this command, especially when the mothers are 
widows, and the sons get wives, and the daughters get 
husbands, and again, socrus nurum, nurus socrum ; for I 

hold that the mother will be the best guardian for her own 
IS 



CCC0X. LUTHER S WILL. 

children, and will use what little property and goods she 
may have, not for their disadvantage and injury, but for 
their good and improvement, since they are her own flesh 
and blood, and she has borne them under her heart. And 
if after my death, she should find it necessary or desira- 
ble to marry again, (for I cannot pretend to set limits to 
the will or the providence of God,) I trust, and herewith 
express my confidence, that she will conduct herself to- 
wards our mutual children as becometh a mother, and will 
faithfully impart to them the property, and do whatever 
else is right. 

I also entreat all my good friends to be witnesses for 
my dear Katey, and help to defend her, should any good- 
for-nothing monks reprove and slander her, as if she had 
secretly some personal property, of which she would de- 
fraud the children ; for I testify there is no personal pro- 
perty but what I have enumerated above, except the plate 
and jewelry. When it is seen how much I have built and 
bought, and what great expense of housekeeping and char- 
ity I have maintained with my small income, others will 
be astonished that I am not more in debt. 

Finally, I beg, since in this will or testament I have not 
used legal forms or words, (and for this I have my reasons,) 
that every one will let me be the person that I really am, 
namely, open, and known both in heaven, on earth, and 
in hell, and let me have respect and authority enough, so 
that I may be trusted and believed more than any lawyer. 
For so God, the Father of all mercies, hath entrusted to 
me, a poor, miserable, condemned sinner, the gospel of 



LUTHER S WILL. CCCCXI. 

his dear Son, and therein thus far I have behaved myself 
truly and faithfully, and it has made much progress in the 
world through me, and I am honored as a teacher of the 
truth, notwithstanding the curse of the pope, and the wrath 
of emperors, kings, princes, priests, and all kinds of devils ; 
much rather then, let me be believed in this little matter, 
especially as here is my hand, which is very well known, 
and I hope it may be enough when it can be said, and 
proved, that this is the serious and deliberate desire of 
Dr. Martin Luther, (who is God's lawyer and witness in 
his gospel,) to be proved by his own hand and seal. 

Martin Luther. 
The witnesses are Philip Melancthon, John Bugenha- 
gen, and Caspar Cruciger. Melancthon's signature bears 
a noble testimony to his affection for the great Reformer, 
it is thus : " Ego Philippus Melanchthon testor, hanc esse 
et sententiam et voluntatem, et manum Reverendi Domini 
Dr. Martini Lutheri, Preceptoris, et Patris nostri carissi- 
mi." "I, Philip Melancthon, am witness that this is the 
production and will and hand writing of the Reverend 
Teacher, Dr. Martin Luther, our very dear father and in- 
structor." 



CHAPTER X. 

Death of Luther. 

We now come to the death of the great Reformer. We 
will give the account of Justus Jonas, who was present 
and saw and heard everything he has recorded. 

The counts of Mansfeldt had some difficulties about the 
ownership of some mines that had become valuable in 
consequence of the discovery of new beds of ore. As 
Luther was born in the territory, and as they both had the 
most unbounded confidence in the judgment and honesty 
of Luther, they mutually agreed to refer the matter in dis- 
pute to him. Justus Jonas says, Luther did not generally 
concern himself about such worldly matters, but as the 
counts of Mansfeldt were at variance, and lived in an un- 
happy manner, he felt it his duty as a peace-maker, to 
yield to their earnest solicitations. Accordingly, on the 
23d of January, 1546, he left Wittenberg accompanied by 
his sons and faithful servant. The first day they came to 
Bitterfeldt, where they remained all night ; next morning 
at 11, A. M., they arrived at Halle, and spent four days 
very pleasantly in the family of Dr. Justus Jonas. The 
party was detained at Halle in consequence of high water. 
At Halle he preached on the conversion of St. Paul. On 
the 28th, he and his sons and Dr. Jonas, crossed the river 



LUTHER 3 EMPLOYMENT AT EISLEBEN. CCCCXIII. 

with some difficulty and danger. While in the midst of 
great danger, Luther remarked to Jonas, " Would it not be 
fine sport for the devil, if Luther and his sons, and Dr. 
Jonas, were to drown ?" The fatigue of the journey set 
very hard upon him. At Eisleben he was met by a caval- 
cade of 130 horsemen, and escorted into the town. When 
he arrived at the place where he was to remain, he com- 
plained of being very sick, but after the application of 
warm cloths to his abdomen, and eating and drinking a 
little, he got better. From the 29th of January to the 17th 
ot February inclusive, he was engaged in the business 
that brought him to Eisleben. In addition to the transac- 
tion of the business of the counts, he preached four ser- 
mons, and ordained and consecrated two ministers of the 
gospel. During this time he talked much about his in- 
firmities, and declared if he ever got back to Wittenberg, 
he would rest from his labors. His conversation at the 
table was very edifying and encouraging. Every evening 
he was accustomed to retire for secret prayer, at 8 o'clock, 
and always returned to the company with a cheerful coun- 
tenance, as though a great burden had been removed from 
his mind. In his private devotion he generally stood at a 
window ; this he had done for many years. No matter 
who was in his company, at or a little before 8 o'clock, he 
would always retire for three-quarters of an hour and 
pray. Sometimes his prayers were heard by the com- 
pany who were in an adjoining room. 

On the 17th of February he was quite unwell, and the 
counts and his other friends urged him not to leave his 



ccccxiv. luther's sickness. 1546. 

room. Still in the evening he was able to appear at the 
supper table ; and as he had promised to discuss the ques- 
tion of the recognition of friends in a future state, all were 
anxious to hear him on that interesting subject. At the 
supper table we accordingly all requested his opinion, — 
he said, " What did Adam do ? he had never seen Eve, he 
was asleep ; when he awoke he did not say, * what art 
thou V or ' whence comest thou V But he said, thou art 
flesh of my flesh, and bone of my bone. How did he 
know that the woman was not made of stone ? It was 
because he was filled with the Holy Ghost, and had the 
true knowledge of God. We too, in the future world, will 
have the same knowledge, being renewed in Christ, and 
having the same knowledge, we too shall recognize our 
fathers and mothers and each other, even better than Adam 
knew Eve." Soon after having said this, he arose from 
the table and went to his chamber ; his two sons, Paul 
and Martin, and Mr. Celius, soon followed him. As usual, 
he went to the window, leaned his chest upon it, and at- 
tended to his private devotions. John Aurifaber then 
came into the room, Dr. Luther said to him, I feel a great 
oppression and sickness about the breast, as I have often 
felt before. Aurifaber said to him, dear doctor, I have of- 
ten seen ammonia, (in German Einhorn,) given in such 
cases, if you wish it I will bring you some. Luther as- 
sented. The countess had the article, (Einhorn, which 
was salts of Ammonia.) But before Aurifaber went to the 
countess for the medicine, he ran to Justus Jonas and 
Cp&*' f slius had left the room a few minutes before,) 



LUTHER S SICKNESS. CCCCXV. 

and informed them that Luther was getting worse. Celius 
and Jonas hurried to his side, and found him laboring un- 
der a very severe pain in the chest. They immediately 
rubbed him with hot cloths, and in a little time he said he 
felt somewhat better. Just then count Albright and John 
Aurifaber arrived, the count asked him how he did, to 
which he replied, "I feel somewhat better." The ammo- 
nia was then scraped and put into some wine, and in order 
to convince him that there was no danger in taking it, 
Conrad von Wolframsdorf, one of the count's counsellors, 
took a spoonfull of the medicine. This treatment of Lu- 
ther shows the wretched system of medicine three hun- 
dred years ago ; to give a man laboring under an acute at- 
tack of pneumonia nothing but scraped ammonia and wine ! 
There is a difference of opinion as to the specific disease 
of which Luther died, and as there was no post mortem 
examination, it must remain doubtful whether he died of 
asthma, pneumonia, or cancer of the stomach, (angina 
pectoris,) it is most generally supposed he died of the last 
mentioned disease. I was somewhat perplexed to know 
what Jonas means by the word " Einhorn," until I saw Dr. 
Stowe's account of Luther's death. He says, "The 
count then gave Luther some salts of Ammonia, a med- 
icine then newly discovered." This is no doubt the 
Einhorn of Dr. Jonas. Luther then took the medicine, 
after which he lay down and slept calmly and soundly 
from 9 till 10 o'clock. Dr. Jonas, Rev. Michael Celius, 
(pastor of Eisleben,) his servant Ambrose, and his two 
sons Martin and Paul, remained with him, the others retired. 



CCCCXVI. LUTHER S SICKNESS. 

Precisely at 10 o'clock he awoke, and seeing us all in 
the room, he said, are you all here yet, why don't you go 
to bed ? We replied, no dear doctor, we want to remain 
with you. He then arose from the couch on which he 
lay, and went into the adjoining room ; he did not com- 
plain, but as he passed the sill of the door, he exclaimed, 
"In manus tuas commendo spiritum meum, redemisti me, 
Domine Deus veritatis." (Into thy hands I commit my 
spirit, for thou hast redeemed me, O Lord God of truth.) 
He now went to bed after shaking hands with each of us, 
and giving us all a good night, he then said to Dr. Jonas 
and Celius and the others, " Pray for our Lord Jesus, and 
for his gospel, that it may go well with him, for the Coun- 
cil of Trent, (then in session, it commenced in 1545,) 
and the wicked pope, are raging most furiously against 
him." The room being warm and comfortable, and the 
lights burning, he slept calmly until the clock struck one, 
when he awoke and called his servant Ambrose, and told 
him to make the fire. Dr. Jonas then asked him how he 
felt, he exclaimed, " Ah ! my dear Dr. Jonas, I am endur- 
ing intense pain, and I suppose I shall die here at Eisleben, 
where I was born and baptized." Jonas replied, "Rev- 
erend father, God our heavenly Father will aid you, 
through Christ whom you have preached." He then 
arose, and without any assistance walked two or three 
times through the room, complaining of a severe pain in 
the chest. His body was again rubbed with flannels 
wrung in hot water, and he again experienced some re- 
lief. Bat soon after he became very sick, so much so 



CCCCXVI1. 

that his friends became alarmed, and sent in haste for count 
Albright and his wife, the two physicians of Eisleben, viz. 
Simon Wild, a surgeon, and Dr. Ludwick, a physician, 
the landlord, (Wirt,) John Albright, the secretary of the 
town and his wife ; in the course of half an hour they all 
appeared. The countess brought all sorts of drugs with 
her, and did all in her power to alleviate his pain, but with- 
out success. Luther exclaimed, " O ! dear God, I am very 
sick, and very much oppressed." He then said to his 
friends, "I shall now die, and remain in Eisleben." Mi- 
chael Celius then said to him, " Reverend father, call upon 
our dear Lord Jesus Christ, our great High Priest, our 
only Mediator, you have done a great work for him, he 
will have mercy upon us, and you shall yet recover." 
"No," said Luther, "I feel the cold death-sweat, I shall 
breathe out my soul, for my distress is increasing." Lu- 
ther then offered up the following prayer in German, " O ! 
my heavenly Father, the God and Father of our Lord 
Jesus Christ, thou God of all consolation, I thank thee 
that thou hast revealed thy dear Son Jesus Christ to me, I 
have believed in him, I have confessed and proclaimed 
him. I have loved and honored him, and that too whilst 
the wicked pope and the ungodly world have reviled and 
persecuted him ! I beseech thee, O Lord Jesus, to take 
my little soul to thyself ! O ! my heavenly Father, al- 
though I must be torn from this world, yet I am certain I 
shall forever be happy with thee in heaven, for no one is 
able to pluck me out of thy hands." 

The expression which we have translated in the above 

18* 



CCCCXVIII. LUTHER S DEATH. 

prayer, "little soul," is in German, "Seelchen," the dimin- 
utive of soul. Luther then said in Latin, « God so loved 
the world that he gave his Son, &c." John iii. 16, and also 
quoted part of the 68th Psalm in Latin, (the 20th verse.) 
They then gave him some more medicine, but he said, " I 
am going, I shall yield up my soul!" — he exclaimed 
three times in rapid succession in Latin, "Father into 
thy hands I commit my spirit." He became calm and 
quiet. He was rubbed, and shook, and called, but he 
gave no answer and did not open his eyes — the countess 
and the physicians bathed his temples, and rubbed his 
pulse with spirits, but to no purpose — he seemed to be 
rapidly sinking. Dr. Jonas went near to him and called 
loudly to him, and said, " Venerable Father do you 
still hold on to Christ, and the doctrines you have preached, 
and will you die with these views ? 

" His fading countenance once more brightened, his clear 
blue eye sparkled with intelligence, and he replied in a dis- 
tinct and thrilling tone, ' Yes.' He then turned upon his 
right side, and fell into a gentle sleep, and slept for half an 
hour, and it was thought he was getting better, but we were 
all afraid of that sleep and tried to keep him awake by 
holding the light near his face. Just then Hans Henry, 
count of Schwartzenburg, and his wife, came in ; soon af- 
ter the doctor grew very pale, his feet and nose became 
cold, he then drew a deep, but soft breath, and with that 
breath he calmly resigned his spirit into the hands of God ! 
To the truth of this we testify before God," says Justus 
Jonas. 



luther's death. ccccxix. 

Prof. Stowe relates the following beautiful and touching 
incident, which is no doubt true, although Justus Jonas 
does not mention it. "Luther's eyes were becoming fixed 
in their sockets, the glassy hue of death was fast gather- 
ing on them, when one of the old men in attendance, (per- 
haps Nicholas Oember,) who had been his companion in 
childhood, in that awful moment, forgetting entirely the 
mighty Reformer, and thinking only of the friend of his 
heart, knelt down by the sofa, and putting his arms across 
his bosom, and his face to his cheek, exclaimed in the 
plaintive notes of childhood, " Martin ! dear Martin ! do 
speak to me once more !" But there was no reply. The 
mighty spirit had already gone. Before the words were 
fully uttered, Luther was already with Moses, with Paul, 
with John, and with Christ ; and in the last only did he 
find a superior." 

Thus died the greatest man that ever God placed upon 
our earth, on the 18th day of February, 1546, at the age 
of 62 years, 3 months and 10 days. 

The death of Luther produced a profound sensation 
throughout all Germany. He was the friend of man, and 
the greatest human benefactor the world had ever seen. 
His funeral, and the solemn and thrillingly interesting 
scenes connected with it, is a strong proof of the affections 
of the people for him. No man that ever lived had more 
friends than Luther. 

It may also be observed that every effort was made to 
resuscitate him ; Jonas says he was rubbed and placed be- 
tween feather beds and blankets, but all to no purpose. 



CCCCXX. LUTHER S FUNERAL. 

His friends thought it could not be possible that Luther 
should be dead. Yet so it was ! 

The counts of Mansfeldt were anxious he should be 
buried at Eisleben, but the elector of Saxony insisted upon 
having him buried at Wittenberg. The elector of Saxony 
gave orders for the immediate removal of Luther's body to 
Wittenberg, and of course promised to defray all expenses, 
be they great or small. 

On the 19th, his body was placed in a cast leaden coffin, 
and at 2 o'clock in the afternoon, was carried to St. An- 
drew's church, in Eisleben, where Dr. Jonas preached to 
a number of noble gentlemen and ladies, and an immense 
concourse of citizens, from 1 Thess. iv. 13 — 18. 

He treated I. Of the character and talents of Dr. Luther. 
II. Of the resurrection and eternal life. III. The warn- 
ing to the opposers, that the death of Luther would leave 
an efficacy behind it, to demolish the kingdom of satan. 
The sermon though not very systematic, is interesting and 
exciting. The corpse remained in the church during the 
night, and was watched by ten principal citizens of Eisle- 
ben. On the morning of the 20th, Michael Celius preached 
another sermon from Isaiah lvii. l,to a large congregation. 
Before he was removed from Eisleben, a painter of that 
town took his portrait; another by the name of Fortenna- 
gel, from Halle, did the same. On the 20th, between 12 
and 1 o'clock, the solemn procession commenced moving 
from Eisleben — the concourse was immense — as the funeral 
began to move and the solemn funeral dirge was sung, the 
people all commenced weeping — the excitement became 



1546. luther's funeral. ccccxxi. 

very great, and the heaving bosoms and flowing tears of 
thousands testified how much Luther was beloved ! In 
the evening at 5 o'clock, the procession arrived at the walls 
of Halle, after having stopt at the villages through which 
the funeral had passed ; at every place thousands of the 
people came to look upon the funeral of the departed friend 
of Germany. But at Halle, the concourse of citizens be- 
came so great that the procession could hardly force its 
way through the immense throng to St. Mary's church. 
When the funeral got into the church, the silence was in- 
terrupted by the singing of the hymn composed by Luther 
himself many years before, (for it was the first hymn he 
ever composed.) 

"Aus tiefer Noth schrei' ich zu dir, 
Mein Gott, erhor' mem rufen." 

" From deep distress I call on thee, 
My God regard my calling." 

This hymn the congregation attempted to sing, but as 
Jonas says, they rather cried it than sang it, they could not 
sing for weeping, but frequently burst out aloud in weep- 
ing. The corpse remained in the church all night, and 
was watched by a number of citizens — next morning at 6 
o'clock, the funeral procession started for Wittenberg, fol- 
lowed by the same weeping multitude, at 12 o'clock the 
funeral arrived at the walls of Wittenberg, here it was met 
by an immense multitude of nobles and citizens. Never 
perhaps was there a greater and more universal burst of 
grief! There was the disconsolate wife of the noble Re- 



CCCCXXII. LUTHER S FUNERAL. 

former — there was his beloved Melancthon — there too was 
Bugenhagen and all the preachers and professors, the stu- 
dents and citizens, and many distinguished strangers, both 
princes and nobles, and all, all overwhelmed with grief. 
The meeting of Catharine von Bora, and the corpse of her 
departed husband, is described as a scene of deep and 
thrilling interest. Mrs. Luther was in a carriage with the 
principal officers of the town — greater honors could not 
have been shown to a monarch, than were freely and spon- 
taneously conferred upon Luther. The funeral procession 
then moved slowly to the great castle church of Witten- 
berg. The order of the procession was as follows, viz. 

1. The counts of Mansfeldt, accompanied by forty-five 
cavaliers. 2. The professors of the University. 3. The 
students of the University. 4. The honorable town coun- 
cil. 5. The congregation and citizens. These went be- 
fore and with singing (as was then the custom) passed 
through the town. 6. The corpse surrounded by a caval- 
cade of sixty-five cavaliers and two young counts. 7. 
Mrs. Luther and several matrons. 8. Then his three sons. 

9. Then his brother Jacob and family from Mansfeldt. 

10. Then two of the Kaufmans, sons of Luther's sister, 
from Mansfeldt. 11. A number of noblemen and princes 
who appeared as mourners. 12. Philip Melancthon, 
Dr. Bugenhagen, Dr. Jonas, Dr. Briick and others of the 
older doctors. 13. Then an immense concourse of men, 
women and children. All Wittenberg and the country 
around for twenty miles seemed to be emptied of its inhab- 
itants. Such was the throng, that the like had never been 



CCCCXXIII. 

seen at Wittenberg — the streets, and lanes, and houses 
were all full of human beings. With great difficulty the 
procession got to the church, which was soon crowded to 
overflowing. Dr. Bugenhagen, the pastor of the congre- 
gation arose and read his text, (1 Thess. iv. 13.) " But I 
would not have you to be ignorant, brethren, concerning 
them which are asleep, that ye sorrow not, even as others 
that have no hope." After Dr. Bugenhagen had pro- 
nounced the words of the text he could say no more — lie 
was completely overwhelmed — he could not utter a word, 
but burst out in an uncontrollable paroxysm of grief. This 
opened the sluices of thousands of hearts — the whole con- 
gregation joined in this deep out-burst of sorrow — the ex- 
citement reached those who had crowded around the 
church, and from them it was communicated to those in 
the streets, until it spread through the whole city— and the 
whole immense population joined in the bitter lamentation ! 
This loud and heartfelt weeping continued for several mi- 
nutes ; after the first gush of feeling the congregation be 
came composed and the preacher finished his sermon. 
And a noble specimen of oratory it was. After Dr. Bugen- 
hagen had finished his discourse by a Latin quotation from 
Luther, viz. "Pestis eram vivus, moriens tua mors ero 
papa." "Living I had been the pest of the pope, dying 
I shall be thy death." Melancthon delivered a funeral 
oration in Latin to the learned ; both these discourses are 
given in the 12th Vol. of Luther's works, but we have not 
room to quote from them. After the singing of a funeral 
dirge, the coffin was lowered into the grave in the aisle of 



CCCCXXIV. LUTHER S FUNERAL. 

the church, very near the pulpit. The vast congregation 
was then dismissed, with sad and melancholy steps the 
people returned to their homes, scarcely able, even after 
what they had just seen, to believe it possible that the no- 
ble form of Luther should be seen no more in the streets 
of Wittenberg — how could they realize their great loss ? 
Luther had been among them for 38 years— he had been 
the friend and benefactor not only of their city, but of the 
whole nation — his voice had often thrilled their hearts with 
joy, but now that voice was hushed in the silence of death ! 
It was as though the wheels of nature had been deranged. 
Wittenberg had been raised from an insignificant town to 
one of the most famous cities in the world. Luther had 
done this — he was the star of attraction — he was the life 
and soul of Wittenberg — and although Melancthon and 
other distinguished men were there, Luther was not. 
When Luther died the sun of Wittenberg set, and set for- 
ever ! The glory of Wittenberg even now, after more than 
three centuries have rolled away, is that Luther labored, 
and taught, and lies buried there. Many distinguished 
warriors and statesmen have visited the grave of Luther- 
Peter the Great, of Russia, and Napoleon, and Frederick 
the Great, but they were all small men compared with the 
mighty Reformer. 

Luther is gone, but he "being dead yet speaketh," and 
will continue to speak until the affairs of this world shall 
be wound up. Luther did more for the emancipation of 
the human mind from the thraldom of error and supersti- 
tion than any man that ever lived ; and it becomes us all 



LUTHER'S FUNERAL. CCCCXXV. 

to be thankful to God, that Luther ever lived and labored 
for our world. In the language of one of his German bio- 
graphers we can say : 

Dank dir, Unsterblicher ! und jeder danke, 

Dem du so lioch begluckt. 

Dein Name sei uns kostlicher Gedanke 

Wenn andre Wahn und Fessel driickt. 

O ! wehe, wehe dem, der dich verkennet 

Dich der so viel gethan ! 

Wer deinen Namen nicht mit Erfurcht nennet, 

Der ist ein Sclav, kein freier Deutcher Mann ! 

Translation : " Thanks to thee immortal Luther ! let 
every man thank thee whom God so highly honored. 

Thy name shall be embalmed in our affections, when we 
think of the oppressions endured by others. 

O ! woe, woe to him who does not acknowledge thee as 
the individual who has achieved so much for us. 

He who mentions not thy name with reverence is a 
slave, and no German freeman." 

In the wall opposite the resting place of Luther is a 
bronze plate with the following inscription : 

Martini Lutheri, sacrjE Theologize Doctoris Cor- 
pus hoc loco sepultum est, qui anno Christi mdxlvi., 
xii. Calendas Martii Eislebii in Patria. s. Iff. O. C. V. 

ANN. LXIII. M. II. D. X. 

Melancthon also wrote the following epitaph on Luther: 

Qui Christum docuit pure_, et bona plurima fecit* 
Lutheri hac urna molliter ossa cubant. 



CATALOGUE OF LUTHER'S WRITINGS. 



The works of Luther are very voluminous, and even a 
cursory glance at them would require a number of vol- 
umns. In order, however, to give the reader an idea of 
the immense labors of the great Reformer, and the extent 
and variety of his acquirements, and the versatility of his 
talents, we subjoin a list of all his publications. Prof. 
Stowe has given such a list from the German in the Bibli- 
cal Repository of July, 1844, and has accompanied it with 
the following judicious remarks : "One great object I have 
in view in preparing these articles, is to direct the atten- 
tion of the many who are now studying the German lan- 
guage in this country, to the writings of Luther. They 
are not obsolete, most of them are as good now as ever 
they were, and admirably adapted to the state of theologi- 
cal discussion at this time both in England and the United 
States. To give some idea of the number and variety of 
topics which engaged his pen, a condensed bill of fare to 
the student who would feast upon his works, I here sub- 
join, in chronological order, a select list of his principal 
German writings. The complete catalogue of all his 
works, Latin and German, comprises in the appendix to 
Seckendorf, twenty-four large folio pages, closely printed 
in double columns." 



CATALOGUE OF LUTHER S WRITINGS. CCCCXXVII. 
1517—18. 

1. Sermon on Indulgences and Grace. 2. Defence of 
the Sermon. 3. The Seven Penitential Psalms, with a 
Commentary. 4. Exposition of the Lord's Prayer. 5. 
Sermon on Penitence. 6. Exposition of the 110th Psalm. 

1519. 

7. A brief Guide to Confession. 8. Sermon on Usury. 
9. Sermon on the Sacrament of the body of Christ, (ad- 
vocating the use of the cup for the laity.) 10. Sermon on 
Excommunication. 11. Sermon on Marriage. 12. In- 
struction respecting certain articles alleged against him by 
his opponents. 13. Sermon on Prayer and the Procession. 
14. Sermon preached at the castle in Leipsic. 15. Ser- 
mon on Preparation for Death. 16. Another Sermon on 
Usury. 

1520. 

17. Address to the Christian Nobility of the German 
Nation. 18. Sermon on the Mass. 19. On the Freedom 
of a Christian man. 20. Exposition of certain articles in 
the Sermon on the Sacrament of the body of Christ. 21. 
Protest and Appeal. 22. Answer to a paper published 
under the seal of the Official at Stolpen. 23. On Good 
Works. 24. On the Papacy of Rome. 25. On Eck's 
new Bulls and Lies. 26. Against the Bulls of Anti-Christ. 
27. Why the Pope and his Disciples have burnt Dr. Mar- 
tin Luther's Books. 28. Ground and Reason of all the 
Articles which are unjustly condemned by the Romish 
Bulls. 29. A short Exposition of the holy Lord's Prayer, 



CCCCXXVIII. CATALOGUE OF LUTHER'S WRITINGS. 

before and behind, (that is, what is expressed and implied.) 
30. A brief Form of the Decalogue, the Creed, and the 
Lord's Prayer. 

1521. 
31. Instruction to Penitents respecting the prohibited 
books of Dr. Martin Luther. 32. Sermon respecting the 
Kingdom of Christ and the Kingdom of Herod, preached 
on Three Kings' Day. 33. The Sufferings of Christ and 
Anti-Christ illustrated in 26 engravings by Cranch, the el- 
der. 34. Sermon on the worthy receiving of the Sacra- 
ment of the true body of Christ, preached at Wittenberg 
before his serene highness, the Prince and Margrave of 
Bradenburg. 35. Sermon preached at Erfurt on the jour- 
ney to Worms. 36. Sermon on a three-fold good Life, to 
instruct the conscience. 37. Instruction how men are 
rightly and understandingly to be baptized into the Chris- 
tian Faith. 38 — 41. Four Tracts in answer to Bok and 
Emser and Murner, in respect to the Leipsic Discussion. 

42. Whether the Pope has power to require Confession. 

43. The 119th Psalm in German, to aid in useful Prayer, 
and to exalt God's Word against its greatest enemies, the 
Pope and the Doctrines of Men. 44. The 37th Psalm 
of David, to teach and comfort a Christian man against the 
plots of the wicked and malicious Hypocrites. 45. Ger- 
man Exposition of the 68th Psalm for Easter, Ascension 
and Pentecost. 46. The Magnifical (Luke i. 46—55,) 
translated and expounded. 47. Gospel of the Ten Lepers, 
(Luke xvii. 11 — 19,) translated and expounded. 48. Judg- 
ment of the Paris Theologians on the doctrine of Dr. Lu- 



CATALOGUE OF LUTHER's WRITINGS. CCCCXXIX. 

ther, and Dr. Luther's Anti-Judgment. 49. Dr. Martin 
Luther's letter to the Diet at Worms, after his departure 
therefrom, sent from Freidberg. 

1522. 

50. Exhortation to all Christians to keep themselves 
from Uproar and Rebellion. 51. Eight Sermons preached 
at Wittenberg, against all violent measures in promoting 
reformation, (among the most eloquent of all Luther's pro- 
ductions.) 52. On the Abuses of the Mass. 53. The 
Bull in Csena Domini of his Holiness the Pope, translated 
into German by Dr. Luther, with King David's Commen- 
tary on this Bull in Psalm 10th. 54. Treatise against Dr. 
Carlstadt's Innovations at Wittenberg. 55. Martin Lu- 
ther's opinion on receiving the Sacrament in both kinds. 
56. On shunning the Doctrines of Men. 57. Answer to 
the Texts quoted to strengthen the Doctrines of Men. 58. 
Sermon on the Future Coming of Christ. 59. On the Suf- 
ferings of Christ. 60. Sermon on John xvi. 61. Against 
the Spiritual State falsely so called of the Pope and Bish- 
ops. 62. German answer of Martin Luther to the Book 
of King Henry of England, I fear not the Truth — Lies 
touch me not. 63. German Translation of the New Tes- 
tament, with a Preface. 64. Exposition of the Epistles 
and Gospels which are read in the Church from Advent to 
Christmas. 65. The same, from Christmas to Sunday af- 
ter Epiphany. 66. On Married Life. 67. A Christian 
Sermon preached at Erfurt, for the Reformation of every 
Christian man. 68. Do. on Faith and Works. 69. Re- 



CCCCXXX. CATALOGUE OF LUTHER S WRITINGS. 

flections and Instructions on Monasteries and all Spiritual 
Vows. 70. Exhortation, Warning and Retrospection. 71. 
A Missive to all who are suffering Persecution for the 
Word of God, comfortingly written by Dr. Martin Luther 
to the noble and steadfast Harmuth von Cronenberg. 72. 
To the Bohemian Legislators assembled at Prague. 

1523. 

73. On the Obedience due to the civil Magistrates. 74. 
On the Order of Divine Service in the Church. 75. On 
the Order of a common Treasury. 76. Sermon on the 
Birth of Christ. 77. Explanation of two abominable 
Figures of the Ass-Pope and Calf-monk, set forth by 
Melancthon, with Luther's Amen. 78. Exhortation to the 
German Clergy to abandon false Chastity, and hasten to 
the right, connubial Chastity. 79. Eeason and Answer 
why the Nuns may in a godly sort forsake the Nunneries. 
80. That Jesus Christ was born a Jew. 81. Manual of 
Baptism in German. 82. Ground and Reason, out of the 
Scripture, that a Christian Congregation or Church have 
the right and power to judge of Doctrine, to call their 
Teachers, and to install and dismiss them. 83. Instruc- 
tion and Proof that the possession of the Evangelical 
Doctrine in Word and Deed, and the reception of the Sac- 
rament in both kinds, cannot with good conscience be dis- 
pensed with through fear of man. 84. Christ's Indul 
gence. 85. Poem on the two Martyrs of Christ, who 
were burnt at Brussels by the Sophists of Louvaine. 86. 
Letter to the Prebendary of Wittenberg, to put an end to 



CATALOGUE OF LUTHER S WRITINGS. CCCCXXXI. 

the Disorders in Public Worship. 87. Exhortation to all 
Christians in Worms to hold fast the Gospel- — Doctrine 
they had received. 88. To the dear, elect Friends of God, 
all the Christians in Riga, Reval and Dorpat in Lavonia. 

89. A letter of Comfort to the Christians of Augsburg. 

90. Exposition of the Seventh Chapter of the First Cor- 
inthians. 91. The Epistle of Peter preached and explained. 
92. Translation of the Five Books of Moses, with a Pre- 
face. 93. A Writing of kinds of men who hold them- 
selves in the Faith, and what that is. 94. An Advice that 
Princes should not take Arms against the Sovereign on ac- 
count of Persecution for the Faith. 95. Answer and Sup- 
plication, on the request of the Elector of Saxony, that he 
should abstain from severity in writing. 96. A Papal 
Brief against Luther to the Council of Bamberg, with Lu- 
ther's Notes. 

1524. 
97. To the Councillors of all the Cities of Germany, 
that they should establish and maintain Christian Schools. 

98. A Sermon on the Circumcision, from Luke ii. 21. 

99. A Brief Exposition of John i. 29—34. 100. An ac- 
count of the manner in which the honorable and virtuous 
Virgin, Florintina von Oberweimar (or Upper Weimar) 
made her escape from the Nunnery, through the help of 
God. 101. A Christian Letter of comfort to the Miiten- 
bergers, and how they should avenge themselves on their 
enemies, out of Psalm cxx. 102. Exposition of Psalm 
cxxvii for the Christians of Riga and Lavonia. 103. The 
Epistle of Jude and the Second of Peter, preached and 



CCCCXXXII. CATALOGUE OF LUTHER's WRITINGS. 

explained. 104. Two Imperial Edicts, inconsistent and 
contradictory, against Luther, with Luther's Preface and 
Postcript. 105. A Writing against the blind and mad 
condemnation of the Seventeen Articles by the miserable 
and shameful University of Ingolstadt. 106. Advice that 
Parents should neither force nor hinder the Marriage of 
their Children, and that Children should not make Matri- 
montial Engagements without the Consent of their Parents. 
107. A Writing against the new Idol and old Devil, which 
is said to be raised at Meissen, (on the canonization of 
Benno, an old Bishop of Meissen.) 108. A Letter to the 
Princes Frederick and John of Saxony, on the Rebellious 
Spirit. 109. Reflection whether we should decide by the 
Mosaic or the Imperial Code. 110. Reflection whether a 
man should abstain from Marriage on account of the Pov- 
erty of his family. 111. On Trade and Usury. 112. 
On the sum of God's Law, and the use and abuse of the 
Law, from 1 Tim. i. 3. 113. The Abominations of the 
Silent Mass. 114. Prefaces to Job, Proverbs and Eccle- 
siastes. 115. The Psalter in German, after the manner 
of the Hebrew language. 116. Several Sermons. 117. 
Luther's Correspondence with Wolfgang of Saalhausen. 

118. On the Use and Profession of Christian Freedom. 

119. To the Chapter of Wittenberg, to put away the Un- 
godly Ceremonies. 120. To a gentlemen in Austria, in- 
structed in the Christian Doctrine. 

1525. 
121. Against the Heavenly Prophets on the Images and 
Sacraments. 122. Martrydom of B. Henry, burnt in 



CATALOGUE OF LUTHER S WRITINGS. CCCCXXXIII. 

Diedmar, with an Exposition of Psalm ix. 123. Two 
Bulls of Pope Clement VII. on the Papal Romish Jubilee, 
translated into German with a Preface and Notes. 124. 
A Lecture against Rebels, on 1 Tim. i. 18 — 20. 125. An 
Address to be read before receiving the Sacrament. 126. 
A Warning to all the Christians in Strasburg to be on their 
guard against the Fanaticism of Dr. Carlstadt. 127. An 
Exhortation to Peace, (to the Swabian Peasants.) 128. 
Against the Thievish and Murderous Peasants. 129. A 
Letter respecting the severe Books against the Peasants. 
130. A dreadful History and Judgment of God on Thomas 
Muenzer. 131. Two Sermons on the Death of Frederick, 
Elector of Saxony, from 1 Thess. iv. 13 — 18. 132. Ser- 
mon on Psalm xxvi. 133. A Christian Exhortation re- 
specting the externals of Public Worship and Uniformity 
therein, to the Christians of Lavonia. 134. Exposition 
of the Epistles and Gospel for the Feast of the Three 
Kings, and from Advent to Easter. 135. Preface to John 
Walter's Psalm-tunes set to four Parts. 136. Various 
sermons. 137. Exhortation to Wolfgang Reissenbusch, 
to betake himself to the married state. 138. A Letter to 
Cardinal Albert, Archbishop of Mainz, advising him to get 
married. 

1526. 
139. The German Mass and order of Public Worship. 

140. The Papacy and its members depicted and described. 

141. To all the Christians of Reutligen. 142. Against 

CEcolampadius. 143. Sermon on the body and blood of 

Christ, against the Fanatics. 144. The cxii. Psalm of 
19 



CCCCXXXIV. CATALOGUE OF LUTHER S WRITINGS. 

David, on the wealth, honor and pleasure which the godly 
use well, and the ungodly abuse. 145. Two Sermons on 
Acts xv. and xvi. 146. Answer to passages quoted from 
Scripture in favor of Monastic Vows. 147. The Prophet 
Habakkuk expounded. 148. A good Sermon of Dr. Lu- 
ther's on the text, Thou shalt love the Lord thy God. 149. 
Four comforting Psalms expounded to the Queen of Hun- 
gary. 150. Instruction and Warning against the right re- 
bellious and treacherous Council of the whole Clergy of 
Mainz. 151. Dr. Luther's advice to the Saxon Chancel- 
lor, Bruck, as to what the Elector should do against the 
Confederacy in Mainz. 152. Explanation of certain chap- 
ters in Exodus. 153. Certain Reflections on subjects con- 
nected with marriage. 

1527. 
154. That these words, "this is my body," stand fast 
against the Fanatics. 155. Whether a Man may flee 
through fear of Death, (written when the plague raged at 
Wittenberg. 156. Whether Soldiers can be in a condi- 
tion of Salvation. 157. Sermon on Matt. xi. 25 — 30. 

158. Answer to the King of England's blasphemous Title. 

159. Consolation to the Christians of Halle on the Death 
of their Preacher. 160. Various sermons. 161. Pre- 
dictions of John Lichtenberger, in German. 162. Blessed 
History of Leonard Kaiser, who was burnt in Bavaria for 
the Gospel's sake. 163. Sermon on Christ's Kingdom 
and Christian Freedom. 164. Reflections on a case of 
Matrimony. 185. A faithful Warning and Exhortation 
to all the pious Christians of Erfurt, to beware of false 



CATALOGUE OF LUTHER's WRITINGS. CCCCXXXV. 

doctrines, and hold fast to the true. 166. On the First 
Book of Moses, with an Instruction how Moses is to be 
read. 167. Five Reflections of Luther to certain of the 
Nobility. 

1528. 
168. On the Lord's Supper. 169. A new Fable of 
.^Esop, of the Lion and the Ass, lately found and translated 
into German, (a humorous satire on certain would-be poets.) 
170. The Prophet Zechariah expounded. 171. On Ana- 
baptism. 172 and 173. Two Treatises on the Sacrament 
in both kinds. 174. A beautiful Christian letter of Con- 
solation to a considerable person in Lower Saxony, who 
was burdened with various thoughts concerning God's pro- 
vidence. 175. On the false mendicant Roguery. 176. 
On the marriage of the worthy priest, S. Klingbeil, to the 
Bishop of Camin. 177. Exposition of the Decalogue. 
178. Brief Exhortation to Confession. 

1529. 
179. On private and stolen letters, together with an ex- 
position of a Psalm, against George, Duke of Saxony. 
180. A small Catechism for common pastors and preach- 
ers. 181. The German Catechism. 182. Sermon on 
the lies against the Holy Ghost. 183. The Wisdom of 
Solomon, to Tyrants, translated into German. 184. To 
the high-born Princess, the Lady Sibyl, Duchess of Sax- 
ony, on Christian Housekeeping. 185. Sermons to the 
Suffering, from John xviii. xix. and xx. 186. War Ser- 
mon against the Turks. 187. A Writing to John, Elector 



CCCCXXXVI. CATALOGUE OF LUTHER's WRITINGS. 

of Saxony, respecting defensive war. 188. A Writing of 
comfort to a person in great Temptation, with the addition 
of Psalm cxlii. 

1530. 
189. Admonition to the Clergy assembled at the Diet 
of Augsburg. 190. Description of a Court Life in Venice. 

191. Certain Fables of iEsop, translated into German. 

192. A Sermon, that men should keep their children at 
School. 193. A Letter on Translation, (defending his 
version of Romans iii. 28.) 194. A Warning to his dear 
Germans. 195. On Marriage. 196. A short and clear 
Instruction how the secret Revelation of John is to be un- 
derstood and interpreted, very useful and consoling for 
those times. 197. The Prophet Daniel, in German. 198. 
The Prophecy concerning Gog, in Ezekiel xxviii. and 
xxxix. 199. Select and beautiful passages of the Holy 
Scriptures, wherewith Dr. Luther comforted himself in 
great temptations. 200. A Writing to the Landgrave of 
Hesse. 201. The beautiful cxviii. Psalm. 202. Certain 
Reflections on controverted Articles laid before the Diet at 
Augsburg. 203. Answer to Questions proposed to Dr. 
Luther by two persons of high rank. 204. Martin Lu- 
ther's Revelation respecting Purgatory, to all Posterity. 
205. Exposition of Psalms cxvii. and lxxxii. 206. On 
the Keys. 207. Exhortation to the Sacrament of the 
Body and Blood of our Lord. 208. Exposition of the 
cxi. Psalm. 209. Prefaces to the Apocryphal Books of 
the Old Testament. 210. Instruction to Preachers wheth 
er they should leave their churches, and give way to the 



CATALOGUE OF LUTHER 8 WRITINGS. CCCCXXXVH 

enemies of the Gospel. 211. Brief Exposition of the 
first twenty-five Psalms. 212. Brief Exposition of the 
vi. vii. and xvii. chapters of John. 213. Nine Sermons 
preached at Coburg, during the Diet at Augsburg. 214. 
A Confession of the Christian Doctrine and Faith, in Sev- 
enteen Articles. 215. Answer to the clamor of certain 
Papists against the Seventeen Articles. 216. Fine Chris- 
tian Thoughts of the holy Fathers and Doctors, that a 
Christian should bear every cross with patience. 217. 
Advice to a Pastor how a Jewess should be baptized. 218, 
Answer to Five Questions proposed by a person of quali- 
ty on the right use of the Sacraments. 219. On the In- 
tercession of the Saints. 

1531. 
220. On the pretended Imperial Edict issued after the 
Diet of 1530. 221. Letter to Spangler, whether men 
may resist the Emperor. 222. Letter to a Citizen of Nu- 
remberg, whether men with a good conscience may enter 
into combination against the unrighteous and violent at- 
tempts of the Emperor. 223. To the Citizens of Frau- 
enstein. 224. Against the Assassins at Dresden. 225. 
Sermon on the Cross and Sufferings, and how a man 
should behave himself under them. 226. A Sermon on 
John xx. respecting Mary Magdalene. 227. Instruction 
and Warning to the Christians of N., near Freiberg, to re- 
ceive the Sacrament in both kinds. 228. A writing that 
Christian Preachers, by their office, are bound to reprove 
the people for their sins. 229. How Christians should 
act in affairs of Matrimony. 230. Prefaces to the Psalter, 



CCCCXXXVIII. CATALOGUE OF LUTHER S WRITINGS. 

Jeremiah and the minor Prophets. 231. Summaries oi 
the Psalms, and Reasons for translating. 232. Sermon on 
the Destruction of Jerusalem, from Luke xix. 41. 233. 
Sermon on Angels. 234. A Marriage Sermon from He- 
brews xiii. 4. 235. Advice as to what a faithful Preacher of 
the Word should do when his office is despised and he is 
persecuted. 236. Comfort to an Afflicted person of Quality. 

1532. 

237. Exposition of Matt. v. vi. and vii. 238. Do. of 
Psalm cxlvii. 239. To the Council and nine Monks of 
Herford. 240. How the Law and the Gospel may be 
right solidly distinguished, and what Christ and his King- 
dom are. 241. Exposition of the Benediction pronounced 
in the Mass. 242. Letters to the Elector, John of Saxony. 
243. Letter to Albert, Margrave of Brandenburg, against 
certain rebellious Spirits. 244. Letters against Sneaks 
and secret Preachers. 245. Two Sermons at the Fu- 
neral of John, Elector of Saxony. 246. Letter of Con- 
solation to a Nobleman. 247. Do. to the expelled Leip- 
sicers. 248. A Comforting Sermon on the Coming of 
Christ, and the promised signs of the Last Day. 249. A 
Prophecy of Dr. Martin Luther, after the death of the 
Elector John. 

1533. 

250. To the Christians of Oschatz. 251. Answer and 
Instruction to the Leipsic Protestants, expelled by Duke 
George. 252. Sermon on Jesus Christ, preached before 
the Electorial Court of Torgau. 253. Some fine Sermons 



CATALOGUE OF LUTHER S WRITINGS. CCCCXX A. 

on Christian love, from the first Epistle of John. 254 
Form of the Christian life, from St. Paul, 1 Tim. i. 255. 
To the Christians of Frankfort on the Maine. 256. Four 
Reflections of Luther and his Colleagues on a Council. 

257. To the Council of the Imperial City of Augsburg. 

258. Answer to the Uproar of Duke George, and a Letter 
of Comfort to the Christians wickedly expelled by him 
from Leipsic. 259. A little Answer to Duke George's 
last Book. 260. Three Sermons on good and bad Angels. 
261. On private Masses and Consecration to the Priest- 
hood. 262. Letters to a good Friend on a Book respect- 
ing private Masses. 263. Dr. Martin Luther's Catalogue 
of all the Books published by him from 1518 to 1533, 
with a Preface. 

1534. 
264. Exposition of Psalms Ixv. ci. 265. Reflections 
to the Elector John Frederick. 266. Four Letters of 
Comfort to a person in private rank, in bodily and mental 
distress. , 267. Comfort to a person afflicted with melan- 
choly and gloom. 268. On the Resurrection from the 
Dead, 1 Cor. xv. 269. Counsel and Warming to an of 
fended person to avoid avenging himself. 270. Reflec 
tions on fleeing from Solitude. 271. Comforting Instruc- 
tions how we may resist bodily Weakness, Pusillanimity, 
and other Temptations of the Devil. 272. Prayer for the 
hour of Death. 273. Preface to the Acts of the Apostles 

1535. 
274. Reflections whether a Christian who is well in 
etructed in Divine Truth, can attend idolatrous worship 



1CCCXL. CATALOGUE OF LUTHER 9 ® WRITINGS. 

without violating his conscience. S75. Sermons on Bap- 
tism. 276. Reflections whether It is lawful to marry a 
deceased wife's sister. 277. Reflections whether the 
Holy Sacraments in both kinds may be administered in a 
private house. 278. A simple guide to Prayer for a good 
friend. 279. Reflections whether a Christian with a 
good conscience can be present at a consecration of a papal 
Bishop. 280. A comforting Writing for Christians ban- 
ished for the sake of the Gospel. 281. The last and earn- 
est Letter of reproof to Cardinal Albert, Archbishop of 
Mainz. 282. Reflection ©n two cases of nuptial Deser- 
tion. 283. Convocation of the free Christian Council. 

1536 , 

284. Marriage Sermon on Ephesians, v. 22—23, 285 
Instruction that the Spiritual and Temporal Authority 
should be carefully distinguished 286. Reflections on the 
Sins of the Elect. 287. Severe Reproof and Warning to 
the Cardinal Albert, Archbishop of Mainz. 

1537. 

288. Complaint of the Birds to Lutuer against his Ser- 
vant, W. Siebergen, (a humorous reproof of the Servant 
for his fondness for ensnaring and caging birds.) 289. 
Exposition of the Christian Faith, preached at Smalkalden. 
290. Comforting Letter to a person who was fearful and 
sad in Sickness. 291. Twenty-one Sermons. 292. Let- 
ter to Jezeln, a Jew of Rosheim. 



CATALOGUE OF LUTHER'S WRITINGS. CCCCXLI 
1538. 

293. On the Value of History. 294. Articles to be 
Discussed at the Council of Mantua, and what we on our 
part can give or take. 295. Letter to a good Friend against 
the Sabbatarians. 296. Reflections on the Expedition 
against the Turks. 297. Program against the Epigrams 
of Lemnius. 298. The three Confessions of the Christian 
Faith used harmoniously in the Churches. 299. The 
glorious Mandate of Christ, Go ye into all the World, and 
preach the Gospel to every creature. 300. The expres- 
sion of Paul, Christ hath given himself for our Sins, 
wholesomely and comfortingly explained to all troubled 
and anxious Consciences. 301. Writing to Count Albert 
of Mansfield. 

1539. 

302. On the Councils and Churches. 303. Against the 
Bishop of Magdeburg. 304. Letter to a Pastor respect- 
ing taking arms against the Emperor, if he should attack 
the Protestants. 305. To the Council of Nuremberg, res- 
pecting general and special Absolution. 306. Writing res- 
pecting Holy Water and the Pope's Agnus Dei. 307. 
Writing to Margrave Joachim II. of Brandenburg, respect- 
ing the Order of the Churches. 308. Letters to the Pro- 
vost of Berlin, respecting certain Ceremonies in Divine 
Worship. 309. Answer to Landgrave, Philip of Hesse, 
respecting his Bigamy. 310. Report on Mr. Eisleben's 
false Doctrine and shameful Conduct, and Answer to his 

insignificant and groundless Complaints against Luther. 
19* 



CCCCXLII. CATALOGUE OF LUTHER S WRITINGS. 
1540. 

311. Exhortation to Pastors to preach against Usury. 
312. Warning to a good Friend not to withdraw himself 
from the Lord's Supper on account of a Law-suit. 

1541. 

313. Against Hans W.orst. 314. Exhortation to Prayer 
against the Turks. 315. Thoughts on Religious Peace 
316. Collation Speech on Transubstantiation. 317. 
Another Letter to a person of high rank respecting Tran- 
substantiation. 

1542. 

318. Example of the Consecration of a right Christian 
Bishop, as it took place at Nuremberg in 1542. 319. 
Preface to the Latin and German burial Hymns. 320. 
German translation of Richard's Refutation of the Koran. 
321. Owl's Looking-glass and Alcoran of the barefaced 
Monks. 322. Exhortation to Peace, to the Elector John 
Frederick and Duke Maurice, of Saxony. 323. Letter 
of Consolation to the widow of Cellarius on her husband's 
happy Death. 324. Letter to Prince George of Anhalt, 
respecting the Elevation of the Host. 325. Comfort to 
pious women who are unfortunate in Child-birth. 326. 
Lady Music, (a poem.) 327. On the Jews and their Lies. 
328. Earnest Writing, that a faithful Pastor should not be 
deposed because he had severely reproved vice. 329. On 
the Genealogy of Christ. 330. On the last Words of 
David. 331. Reflections on the re-establishment of the 
Papal Ceremonies. 332. Earnest Exhortation to Students 



CATALOGUE OF LUTHER S WRITINGS. CCCCXLIII. 

at Wittenberg, to keep themselves from Prostitutes. 333. 
Comforting Letter to W. Heinzen, organist at Halle. 334. 
Exposition of the Epistles and Gospels for a year. 

1544. 
335. Short Confession respecting the holy sacrament. 
336. Comforting letter to Jerome Baumgartner's wife, re 
specting her husband's Imprisonment. 337. Comforting 
letter to pious parents whose son had died at the Univer- 
sity. 338. Family Sermons. 

1545. 
339. On the use of Picture Books in religious instruc ■ 
tion. 340. Luther to the Elector of Saxony and Land- 
grave of Hesse, respecting the Imprisonment of the Duke 
of Brunswick. 341. Representation to the Elector of 
Saxony, against secret matrimonial engagements. 342. 
Against the Roman Papacy established by the Devil. 343. 
An Italian lying Letter, published at Rome, respecting Lu- 
ther's Death, with Notes. 344. Sermon on the Kingdom 
of Christ, from Psalm viii. 345. I uther's Dialogue with 
Dr. George Major. 

1546. 
346. A little Book for simple Pastors. 347. Letter to 
the Congregation at Pensa. 348 — 52. Several Sermons. 
353. Sermon on Matt. xi. 25 — 30, (preached two days 
before Luther's death — the last he ever preached.) 

FINIS. 



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